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G. F. HILL, M.A. 








THIS volume is intended as a companion to 
Historical Greek Coins, published three years ago. 

The evidence afforded by Eoman coins as to the 
course of Roman history is of two kinds. The first, 
and the more valuable, is contemporary evidence ; the 
historian has to extract from the extant coins such 
information as they provide concerning the circum- 
stances in which they were cast or struck. But, 
owing to the commemorative habit, which was strong 
in the Eoman race, a certain number of coins illustrate 
the history of a period which was past when they were 
issued. Such pieces give us evidence less trustworthy 
than the first kind, although not infrequently there is 
less opportunity of error in the interpretation of their 
meaning. But they are incidentally of interest as 
indicating the state of opinion which prevailed at the 
time when they were issued. A case in point is the 
coin, struck in the first century B.C., commemorating 
the mission of Lepidus to Egypt at the end of the 
third century. However, in the selection of coins for 
this volume, preference has naturally been given to 
pieces of the contemporary kind. 

The dry, matter-of-fact temperament of the Komans 



is naturally reflected in their coinage. The artist is 
seldom carried away by any flight of artistic imagina- 
tion from his immediate purpose, which is to provide 
a convenient medium of exchange ; his allegories and 
his symbolism tend to be crude and frigid ; his 
references to events are, as far as possible, direct and 
pointed. One cannot imagine a Greek of the fifth or 
fourth century proclaiming to the world, with the 
help of an inscription, that his coins were issued " for 
the purchase of corn." As for artistic conception and 
execution, traces of good style are here and there 
faintly perceptible in the earliest coinage, where it 
was under Greek influence. Towards the end of the 
Eepublic the workmanship improves, and the coins 
provide a certain number of striking portraits. But 
even the best Greek engravers employed during the 
Augustan age seldom succeed in producing a reverse 
design that has any merit as a work of art. 

In Roman numismatics, therefore, the pursuit of 
the truth is deprived of some of the attractions which 
the study of Greek coins presents. But there is no 
lack of sport, for anyone who is interested in the 
interpretation of obscure types, or in the reconciliation 
of confused or corrupt passages in Roman historians 
or antiquaries with the evidence of the coins. 

Until recently the history of the earliest Roman 
coinage has been involved in the utmost obscurity. 
But the distinguished scholar and collector, Dr. E. J. 


Haeberiin of Frankfurt, in the most remarkable con- 
tribution that has been made in recent years to any 
branch of numismatics, has thrown a flood of light on 
the subject, and shown how much in the coinage that 
has seemed unintelligible and chaotic is, when properly 
interpreted, a clear and orderly development, marching 
side by side with the progress of Kome as a power in 
Italy and in the ancient world. 

In the period following the introduction of the 
denarius, the arrangement of the coinage presents 
problems of a different kind, soluble rather by minute 
and patient comparison and classification than by the 
exercise of the historical imagination. In this field 
the work that was done by Count J. F. W. de Salis, 
although almost unknown even to professional numis- 
matists, is of extraordinary importance. The whole 
of the vast Eoman and Byzantine collection in the 
British Museum was arranged by him in the light of 
his unrivalled knowledge and experience. Enormous 
quantities of coins, singly or in hoards, passed 
through the hands of this indefatigable collector, and 
his eye for fabric and style seems to have become 
almost infallible. The trays of the British Museum 
collection have long preserved, in their arrangement, 
almost the only record of his work ; for he seems to 
have been singularly averse to publication. Of late, 
however, his services to Byzantine numismatics have 
been duly acknowledged by Mr. Wroth, in the Preface 



to his Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in 
the British Museum. And his still more important 
work on the Eepublican period will be embodied in 
the forthcoming British Museum Catalogue of Roman 
Republican Coins, by Mr. H. A. Grueber. 

The fact that, by Mr. Grueber' s kindness, I have 
been able during the preparation of this volume to 
consult the proof-sheets of his Catalogue, so far as it 
had advanced, has made my task very much less 
troublesome than it might have been. But this bald 
statement by no means expresses the amount of my 
debt to his unfailing kindness and readiness to place 
his knowledge at my disposal in difficult questions of 
arrangement and interpretation. Eeferences to the 
forthcoming Catalogue are, where possible, inserted 
after the descriptions of the coins. 

Mr. George Macdonald also, with characteristic 
generosity, undertook to read not merely the proofs, 
but the even less attractive manuscript of the book. 
Those who know his published work need not be told 
that his criticisms have been invaluable. 

I have also, as usual, to thank the authorities of the 
Berlin and Paris Cabinets, especially Dr. K. Eegling, 
M. A. Dieudonn^ and M. J. de Foville, for kindly 
providing casts of certain coins not represented in the 
British Museum. 

G. F. HILL. 

January, 1909. 




Acs grave : the early heavy circular coinage of bronze of Rome and 

Italy. Seep. 11. 
Acs rude : the amorphous lumps of bronze used as currency in Italy 

before the introduction of coinage proper. See pp. 13, 14. 
Acs signatum : a term applied to the large quadrilateral "bricks" 

issued by the Roman mint. See p. 13. 
As : a bronze coin originally corresponding in weight to the libra or 

pound ; afterwards reduced. See p. 6 and passim. 
Attic Standard : see Euboic- Attic. 
Alireus: a gold coin, usually equivalent to 25 denarii. See Nos. 51, 

55, 56, 58, etc. 

Bigatus : a coin of which the type is a two-horse chariot. See p. 60. 
Blank : see Flan. 

Gampanian Standard : a standard derived from the Phoenician, the 
didrachm weighing 7*76 grammes (later reduced to 6'82 grammes). 

Canting Type or Symbol: a type or symbol which indicates, by 
means of a pun, the person or state to which it refers, as the 
flamen's cap of Flamininus. 

Cast Coins : see Struck. 

Coin : a piece of metal (or, exceptionally, some other convenient 
material) artificially shaped and marked with a sign or type as a 
guarantee of its quality and weight, and issued by some 
responsible authority, to serve primarily as a medium of exchange, 
in terms of which the value of exchangeable commodities can be 
expressed. Distinguished from a token by having or being 
supposed to have an intrinsic value more or less nearly approach- 
ing the value imposed upon it by the issuing authority. 

Countermark : a small mark impressed on a coin, usually by some 
person other than the issuing authority, and intended to give the 
coin fresh currency. 



Denarius : a silver coin equivalent originally to 10, later to 16 asses. 
See pp. 29, 47 and passim. 

Didrachm : piece of two drachms, q.v. 

Die : the instrument containing the design which, by being impressed, 
produces the type on a coin. The coin in striking was placed 
between the upper and lower dies. The lower die in ancient times 
was usually let into an anvil, its fellow inserted in the lower end of 
a bar of metal, the other end of which could be struck with the 

Drachm: a division of the stater (q.v.}, usually one-half, but in some 
systems, as the Corinthian, one-third. Usually derived (after 
Plutarch Lysand. 1 7) from BpaTTtaOai, as representing a ' ' handful " 
of obols. This is probably a popular etymology, and drachm may 
be the same word as the Phoenician darkemon. 

Dupondius : a coin of two asses. See Nos. 4, 98. 

Electrum (rjAe/cTpov, Aevjcos x/ovcros) : any alloy, whether natural or 
artificial, of gold or silver, in which there is more than twenty per 
cent, of silver. 

Euboic- Attic Standard : the standard based on a unit (stater) of 
8-72 grammes. See Nos. 5, 6. 

Exergue : that segment of the field of a coin which, lying below the 
type, is separated from the rest of the field either by the lower 
outline of the type itself, or by a line drawn expressly for the 

Fabric: the external shape and appearance given to coins by the 
mechanism employed to cast or strike them ; distinct therefore 
from style, which is conditioned by the artistic qualities of the 

Field : that portion of the surface of a coin (within the border, if any) 
which is not occupied by the type. 

Flan or blank : the shaped piece of metal which is made into a coin 
by having the necessary types impressed on it. 

Libella : ^j scripulum in the Eomano-Campanian system ; a bronze 
coin nominally equivalent to ^ scripulum of silver. See p. 22. 

Litra: the Sicilian or Italian pound of copper or bronze; or the 
silver coin of 0'87 gramme which was originally the equivalent 
of the pound of copper ; or the bronze token nominally repre- 
senting the pound of copper. See No. 49. 


Obverse : the side of a coin impressed by the lower die, which was 
let into an anvil. Since, when one of the two types of a coin was 
a human head, it was usually produced by the lower die, it has 
become usual to regard the side with the head, by whichever die 
it was produced, as the obverse. 

Osco-Latin Standard: standard according to which the pound 
weighed 272*88 grammes. See p. 6. 

Quadrans : one-fourth of an as, q.v. 

Quadrigatus : a coin of which the type is a four-horse chariot. See 

p. 25. 
Quinarius : a silver coin equivalent originally to 5 asses ; half the 

denarius, q.v. 

Reverse : the side of a coin impressed by the upper die : see Die. 
Roman Standard : standard according to which the pound weighed 
327*45 grammes. See p. 6. 

Scripulum or scruple : 3 $ H of the Eoman pound, i.e., 1-137 grammes. 

See p. 17. 

Semis : one-half of an as, q.v. 
Semuncial Standard : standard according to which the as weighed 

normally half an uncia. See No. 54. 
Serratns : a coin with notched edges. See No. 47. 
Sestertius : (1) a silver coin originally equivalent to 2 asses, 

denarius, q.v. ; (2) a brass coin introduced by Augustus, equiva- 
lent to 4 asses. See No. 97. 
Sextans : one-sixth of an as, q.v. 
Sextantal Standard : standard according to which the as weighed 

normally a sextans or two unciae. See p. 30. 
Shekel : the name for the unit of weight in the Oriental coin-standards. 

Op. Stater. 
Standard : a system of weights according to which the various 

denominations of a coinage are fixed. 
Stater : the standard or unit- coin in any system ; e.g. the Attic silver 

stater was a tetradrachm of 17*44 grammes, the Attic gold stater 

a didrachm of 8*72 grammes, the Corinthian silver stater a 

tridrachm of 8*72 grammes. Cp. Shekel. 
Struck Coins : coins on which the designs are produced by dies 

impressed on the previously fashioned blank by blows with a 

hammer ; opposed to cast coins, which are produced by the single 

process of pouring molten metal into a mould. 



Symbol : a subsidiary type, being either (1) an attribute of the chief 
type, as the eagle of Jupiter, or (2) and this is the strict numis- 
matic use of the term independent of the chief type, and serving 
to identify a person (as the authority responsible for the issue of 
the coin) or a mint (where the chief types indicate not the place of 
issue but the ruler). 

Tressis : a coin of three asses. See p. 12. 

Triens : one-third of an as, q.v. 

Triental Standard: standard according to which the as weighed 
normally a triens or four unciae. See p. 30. 

Type : the design on a coin. In the narrower sense, the essential 
portion of the design (as distinct from adjunct, inscription, border, 
etc.), which is the distinguishing mark of the issuing authority 
and guarantee of the good quality of the coin. Effigies est nummi 
qualitas extrimeca, et signum testimonii publici ( Jac. Lampadius, 
de Natura Nummi). 

TTncia : one-twelfth of an as, q.v. 

Uncial Standard : standard according to which the as weighed nor- 
mally one uncia. See p. 47. 

Victor iat us : a silver coin weighing originally 3 scruples ($ denarius). 
See pp. 35 1, 44 f. 



Babelon = E. Babelon : Monnaies de la RepuUique romaine. Paris, 

1885, 1886. 
B.M.C. British Museum Catalogue. Where no further title is 

given, the volumes are those of the Catalogue of Eoman Kepub- 

lican Coins, by H. A. Grueber. Otherwise a word in italics, such 

as Italy, denotes the particular volume of the Catalogue of Greek 

Coins referred to. 

Eph. Epigr. = Ephemeris Epigraphica (Berlin). 
J.H.S. = Journal of Hellenic Studies (London). 
I. = left. Used not in the heraldic sense, but from the spectator's 

point of view. 
Mommsen-Blacas = Th. Mommsen : Histoire de la Monnaie romaine 

(trans, by Blacas and de Witte). Paris, 18651875. 
Mon. Anc. = Monumentum Ancyranum, in the second edition of 

Mommsen (Ees gestae Dim Augusti, Berlin, 1883). 
Num. Chron. = Numismatic Chronicle (London). 
Numism. Zeitschr. = Numismatische Zeitschrift (Vienna). 
r. = right. Used not in the heraldic sense, but from the spectator's 

point of view* 

Rev. Num. = Revue Numismatique (Paris). 
Zeit.f. Num. = Zeitschrift fur Numismatik (Berlin). 









1 3. The Earliest Eoman Coinage : circa 338 B.C. . . 1 

4 6. The Romanization of Campania : circa 312 290 B.C. . 10 

7 12. The Final Subjection of Italy: 290 269 B.C. . . 18 

13 19. The Inauguration of an Imperial Coinage: 268 B.C. 27 

2024. The Crisis of the First Punic War : 242 B.C. . . 37 

25. The Acquisition of Corcyra : 229 B.c 44 

26, 27. After Trasimene : 217 B.C 46 

28. Hannibal in Capua : 216215 B.C 50 

29. M. Aemilius Lepidus and Ptolemaeus V. : 201 B.C. . 51 
30 32. Changes in the Denarius : 2nd cent. B.C. . . 56 

33. C. Minucius Augurinus : circa 150 125 B.C. ... 62 

34. T. Quinctius Flamininus : circa 124103 B.C. . . 65 

3539. Charters of Liberty 66 

40. The Surrender of Jugurtha by Bocchus : 106 or 105 B.C. 70 

41,42. Marius and the Barbarians : 104 101 B.C. . . 72 

43, 44. C. Coelius Caldus, his achievements : 107 94 B.C. . 75 

45. The Corn Law of Saturninus : 100 B.C 79 

46, 47. The Social War : 90 B.C 82 

4852. The Social War : 9081 B.C 85 

53, 54. The Lex Papiria de asse semunciali : 89 B.C. . . 89 

55. Sulla in Greece : 8784 B.C 92 

56. Pompeius in Africa : 81 B.C 94 

57. The Subjection of King Aretas : 62 B.C. . . .98 

5860. Caesar in Eome : 49 B.C. 100 

61,62. The Senatorial Party in the Provinces : 49 B.C. . 104 

63. Caesar's Fourfold Triumph : 46 B.C 107 

64,65. Corinth refounded : 44 B.C 110 




66, 67. The Murder of Caesar : 44 B.C. . . . .112 

6871. Brutus in Asia and Macedon : 43 42 B.C. . .116 

72 74. The Triumvirs : Nov. 43 Dec. 38 B.C. . . .118 

75. Cassius at Bhodes : 43 B.C .121 

76, 77. The Legates of M. Antonius in Gaul : 4241 B.C. . 123 
78, 79. Sextus Pompeius in Sicily : 4236 B.C. . . .126 

80. Q. Labienus Parthicus : 40 B.C. . . . .128 

81, 82. The Armenian Expedition of M. Antonius : 34 B.C. 131 
83, 84. Octavian's Triumph : 29 B.C. . . . . .134 

85, 86. Caesar Augustus : 27 B.C 136 

8790. The Eecovery of the Standards : 20 B.C. . . .138 

91. The Province of Asia: 19 B.C 143 

92. Armenia Eecepta : circa 19 B.C 145 

93. 94. The Secular Games : 17 B.C 148 

95, 96. The Public Eoads : 17 B.C 150 

97100. The Monetary Keform of Augustus : circa 15 B.C. 153 

101103. The Altar of Lyon : 10 B.C 158 

104. The Death of Nero Drusus: 9 B.C. . . . . . 160 

105, 106. The Senatorial Mint at Antioch: circa 7 6 B.C. 162 

107. Gaius Caesar : circa 5 B.C 165 

108. Gaius and Lucius Caesares : circa 2 B.C. . . . 168 

109. The Pannonian Triumph of Tiberius : A.D. 13 . . 171 

INDEX 175 




Nos. 1 3 atpc 



Nos. 4, 5 


No. 6, obverse .....,, 

> > 


No. 6, reverse 



Nos. 7, 8 


Nos. 911 , 

> > 


No. 12, obverse .....,, 


No. 12, reverse ,, 


Nos. 1327 



Nos. 2845 



Nos. 4660 


Nos. 6174 



Nos. 7588 


Nos. 89100 

> J 



Nos. 101109 















H.R.C. XV11 


CIRCA 338 B.C. 

1. Obv. Bearded head of Janus; below, ; all on 

raised disk. 

Rev. Prow of galley r. ; above, | ; all on raised 

Bronze as (cast). 294-97 grammes (4552-08 grains). B.M.C. I., 
p. 5, No. 1. 

2. Obv. Beardless head of Hercules 1., wearing lion- 

skin ; behind, ; all on raised disk. 
Rev. Prow of galley r. ; below, ; all on raised 

Bronze quadrans (cast). 73-42 grammes (1133-04 grains). B.M.C. 
I., p. 9, No. 46. 

3. Obv. Bearded head of Mars 1., in crested helmet. 
Rev. Head of bridled horse r. ; behind, ear of 

barley; below, on raised band, ROMANO. 

Silver Campanian didrachm. 7*45 grammes (11 5*0 grains). B.M.O. 
II, p. 121, No. 1. 

Until comparatively recent times, it was usual to 
accept the tradition that coinage was introduced into 
Eome as early as the regal period, and this although 

H.R.C. B 1 


some scholars, including Eckhel, the founder of numis- 
matic study, had shown irrefutable reasons against so 
early a date. The tradition was that King Servius was 
the first to mark bronze with a type ; l and that the 
type was some kind of cattle (pecus), whence was 
derived the name pecunia. Further, sums of money 
are mentioned in the Twelve Tables ; and we find 
equivalents of fines in cattle fixed by the lex lulia 
Papiria of 430 B.C. and other early laws, such as the 
lex Tarpeia, which equated the ox to 100 asses, the 
sheep to 10 asses. 

"Now these sums of money were not necessarily 
coins, 2 any more than were the shekels of the time of 
Abraham ; they were merely weights of bronze. That 
is to say, they were not pieces of metal artificially 
shaped and officially marked with types in guarantee 
of quality and weight. Pliny's statement, again, that 
the type of the earliest Eoman money represented 
cattle, is probably due to some misunderstanding of his 
authority, or to a false inference from the etymology 
of the word. If his authority for the statement was 
Timaeus, whom he quotes in the previous sentence, he 
may well have misunderstood the Greek. The only 
early Eoman coin with a type in any way corresponding 

1 Plin. N. H. 33. 43 : Servius rex primus signavit aes, antea rudi 
(i.e., amorphous bronze) usos Eomae Timaeus tradit. signatum est 
nota pecudum, unde et pecunia appellata. 

2 See Samwer und Bahrfeldt, Oesch. des alteren rom. Munzwesens 
(1883), pp. 17 f, 


PL. I 

Nos. i 3. 


to Pliny's description is one of the quadrilateral 
bricks which bears the figure of an ox a rare piece, 
which cannot have had much currency. But there 
is a curious parallel to Pliny's statement in the belief 
of various Greek authorities (Plutarch, Pollux, and the 
scholiast on Aristophanes) that the type of the earliest 
Attic coins was an ox. It is quite possible that all 
these statements go back to a misunderstood original. 
Some writer perhaps was discussing the primitive 
method of estimating values in cattle, and the substi- 
tution for it, in later times, of a monetary medium. He 
was taken to mean that the earliest coins actually repre- 
sented, pictorially as well as economically, certain 
quantities of cattle. So that Pliny may not himself 
have been initially responsible for what must be 
regarded as an error. " Meme dans ses beVues," says 
M. Theodore Eeinach, 1 " Pline n'est qu'un copiste." 

The literary " authority " for the commencement of a 
Roman coinage earlier than the middle of the fourth 
century cannot possibly stand against the evidence of 
the coins themselves. Their style points unmistakably 
to the period indicated. The type of prow on the 
reverses is not archaic. Nor is there any subsequent 
sign of advance in style from an archaic to a mature 
art, such as would necessarily appear had the coinage 
begun before the art was fully developed, as it was 
about 400 B.C. 

1 V Histoire par les Monnaies, p. 98. 


Eome first took rank as the chief power in Italy 
about 350 B.C. The Latin League was reorganised, 
doubtless on terms much more favourable to Kome 
than had been the case before, in 358. In 354 she 
made a treaty with the Samnites. By 353 she had 
completed the subjugation of Southern Etruria. In 
348, most important of all, came the treaty with the 
Carthaginians. The agreement with the Samnites 
broke down in 343, when Capua and other Campanian 
communities threw themselves into the arms of Kome. 
In two years the Samnites were forced to recognise 
Eome as the suzerain of the Campanian cities. About 
340 338, the Campanians, especially the Capuans, 
received the civitas sine su/ragio. The last rival to 
Eoman supremacy on the Latin coast, the Yolscian 
Antium, whose inhabitants were famous for their 
piratical propensities, fell at the close of the Latin 
War, and in 338 the beaks of the Antiate battleships 
became the ornament of the speakers' platform in the 
Eoman forum. 1 

Partly because of the prestige which it confers, but 
still more because of the revenue which it produces, the 
right of coinage has almost always been one of the most 
jealously guarded prerogatives of political supremacy ; 
and it was now imperatively necessary that Eome 
should come into line with the other Italian states which 

1 Plin. N. H. 34, 20 : in suggestu rostra devictis Antiatibus fixerat 
(C. Maenius) anno urbis ccccxvi. 



had coined money with their own types for more than 
a century, especially as some of these very states were 
by this time subject to her. The earliest Roman 
coinage 1 is accordingly dual, consisting partly of 
coins issued at Kome itself, partly of coins issued in 
Campania for currency in the Campanian dominion. 

In Central Italy, excepting Etruria, there had 
hitherto been no coinage, although imported coins 
and local uncoined bronze doubtless circulated as a 
medium of exchange. Bronze, indeed, was, and long 
remained, the standard metal in these parts. It stood 
to silver in the relation of 1 to 120. At this rate, 
one silver Campanian didrachm of 7*58 grammes 2 
would be equivalent in value to 3 pounds, or 3 
didrachms to 10 pounds, of bronze of the Osco-Latin 
standard of 273 grammes to the pound. 3 This is 
an inconvenient and clumsy relation ; but it was the 
best that could be attained at the time, and was im- 
proved at the first opportunity. 

1 What follows is based on Haeberlin's brochure, Systematik des 
dltesten romischen Munzwesens (Berlin, 1905), which has revolutionised 
our ideas of the early Eoman coinage, and produced comparative order 
out of chaos. His theory has been attacked by A. Sambon (L'aes 
grave italico, Milan, 1907) and M. C. Soutzo (Les lourdes monnaies de 
bronze de I' Italic Centrale inRev. Num. 1907), but, as I think, without 
due appreciation of the weight of his arguments. 

2 This seems to have been the normal weight, although the majority 
of the extant specimens fall below it. See Haeberlin, Die metrolo- 
gischen Grundlagen derdlt. mittelital. Munzsysteme (Zeit. f. Num. xxvii.), 
pp. 60 f. 

3 120 X 7'58 = 909-60 = 3| X 273'15. 



This pound or libra of 273 grammes, 1 containing 
12 ounces or unciae, was the pound on which the 
system of the earliest Eoman bronze was based, the 
coin corresponding to the libra being called the as. 
It will be noticed that the as No. 1 weighs a good 
deal more than the normal libra. Indeed, it used to 
be assumed that the basis of the earliest Eoman 
coinage was the heavier (" new Eoman") pound of 
327*45 grammes, 1 but that for some reason the coins 
were almost always cast underweight. 2 But the aver- 
age weight, as ascertained from more than 1100 speci- 
mens of the as, is 267*66 grammes, which, allowing for 
the loss of weight by the circulation to which extant 
specimens must have been subject, may well represent 
an effective weight of 273 grammes. The excessive 
weight of some specimens, such as No. 1, and the low 
weight of others, must be accounted for by the rough- 
ness of the primitive methods of regulating the 
capacity of the moulds in which the coins were cast. 

The original Eoman bronze coinage was of six 
denominations, all bearing the prow on the reverse, 
while on the obverse were the heads of different 
divinities ; marks of value were placed on both sides. 
The system was as follows : 

1 On the origin of this pound and of the new Eoman pound of 
327*45 grammes, see Haeberlin, op. c^.pp. 44 f., and Lehmann-Haupt, 
Zeit. f. Num. xxvii., pp. 131 f. 

3 The heaviest specimens seldom exceed 11 ounces of this heavier 



As : obv. type, head of Janus ; mark of value, I. 

Semis : obv. type, head of Jupiter ; mark of 
value, S- 

Triens : obv. type, head of Minerva ; mark of 
value, . 

Quadrans : obv. type, head of Hercules ; mark of 
value, . 

Sextans : obv. type, head of Mercurius ; mark of 
value, . 

Uncia : obv. type, head of Bellona ; mark oi 
value, . 

Janus, as the god of beginnings, leads the series, 
just as his month leads the year. 1 " Juno Moneta," 
it will be noticed, is conspicuous by her absence. 
How is this to be explained ? 

It must be remembered that during this period, 
in spite of the general advance, and whatever later 
Eoman historians may say, the course of Eome's 
fortunes was not marked by unbroken prosperity. It 
is, indeed, probable that, when the Eomans entered 
into their first treaty with Carthage, so far from the 
Carthaginians making overtures, 2 the Eomans were 
themselves in need of assistance ; in other words, of 
money. It is significant 3 that the goddess Moneta 

1 Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 182. 

2 Liv. vii. 27 : Cum amicitiam ac societatem petentes venissent 

3 On this subject, see Assmann's ingenious speculations in Klio, vi., 
pp. 477 ff. 


is first mentioned in connexion with a battle against 
the Aurunci in the year 345, when L. Furius Camillas 
invoked her aid. The temple which he vowed to her 
was built and dedicated on the Capitol in 344. 1 

It is generally supposed that the connexion of 
the mint with the temple of Juno Moneta on the 
Capitol dates only from the third century. 2 But the 
evidence to this effect is inadequate. Whether we 
accept or reject the ingenious theory which explains 
the Latin word moneta as a corruption of the Punic 
machanath (" camp "), a legend inscribed on one 
of the most important currencies circulating in the 
Western Mediterranean in the fourth century, 3 is of 
no importance for our present purpose. There can 
be little doubt that moneta gave rather than owed its 
name to the goddess. Moneta is the personification 
of money ; and if the idea she embodies was of 
Carthaginian origin, we can understand why she 
became identified with Juno. 4 We may take it, 
therefore, that the Eoman mint was from the first 

1 Liv. vii. 28. 

2 Marquardt, Romische Staatsverw., ii. p. 11. Suidas, s.v. MOJITO, 
says that the Eomans, being short of money in the war against 
Pyrrhus, obtained it by following the counsel of Moneta, the 
"Adviser," in gratitude to whom they vowed to establish their mint 
in the temple of the goddess. This story is partly due to the false 
etymology from monere. 

8 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pp. 143 ff. 

4 Vergil, A en. i. 671 : lunonia hospitia. The Carthaginian goddess 
is really Astarte. 



attached to the temple on the Capitol. But in this 
still comparatively conservative period, it is not to be 
expected that the Romans should represent on their 
coinage a deity who was a somewhat unsubstantial 

The coins struck at the mint of Capua (possibly also 
at other Campanian mints, although these cannot have 
been important) consist of silver didrachms and litrae 
(each T ^th of a didrachm), and of bronze coins used 
as small change. This bronze money like most 
bronze in the Greek as opposed to the Italian world 
was mere token money; its weight does not corre- 
spond to its nominal value. The types of the Capuan 
coins are various. Besides those of No. 3 we have 
the head of Apollo, or of the young Hercules, a horse 
and star, or the wolf and twins, on the silver, and 
other types on the bronze coins. Some of them 
are difficult to explain. The horse's bust may have 
been suggested by a similar device on some of the 
Carthaginian coins mentioned above. 1 The horse and 
star together may represent the Dioscuri, who after- 
wards appear on the first silver coinage struck in 
Rome itself (Nos. 13 15). The inscription on these 
Capuan coins takes the Campanian or Oscan form 
ROMANO, corresponding to forms like CALENO, 

1 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, Plate x., 6. This itself reminds us 
of the omen which decided the choice of the site of Carthage (Vergil, 
Am. i. 442). 



S VESA NO) found on autonomous coins of the cities 
of Campania. 1 

The first stage of the Eoman coinage lasted down 
to 314 or 312, when the Samnite attempts to wrest 
Campania from the Eomans were finally defeated, a 
dangerous revolt in Capua itself was crushed, and the 
Yia Appia, connecting Eome with Capua, completed. 

Circa 312290 B.C. 

4. Obv. Head of Eoma r., wearing Phrygian 

helmet ; behind, II; all on raised disk. 
Rev. Archaic wheel of six spokes ; between two 
of them, II; all on raised disk. 

Cast bronze dupondius. 600-24 grammes (9263 grains), B.M.O. 
Italy, p. 53, No. 1. 

5. Obv. Head of Roma r., wearing Phrygian 

helmet; behind, a cornucopiee. 
Rev. Victory fastening a taenia to a palm branch ; 
behind, ROMANO ; in front, f. 

Silver didrachm. 6*62 grammes (102-2 grains). B.M.O. II., p. 126, 
No. 36. 

6. Obv. Eagle to front, displayed, holding thunder- 

bolt in its talons. 

1 E. S. Conway, however (Italic Dialects, i. p. 144), thinks this form, 
in the inscriptions where Latin letters are employed, may be Latin. 



Nos. 4, 5. 

Rev. Pegasus galloping 1 ; below, [R]OMANOM 

Cast bronze "brick,' 1389-63 grammes (21445 grains). B.M.C. 
I., p. 3, No. 2. 

The second stage in the development of the Eoman 
coinage is marked by a great extension of the functions 
of the Capuan mint. 1 At Eome itself little change 
seems to have taken place. Only the mark of value 
disappears from the obverse of the as ; towards the 
end of the period the lowest denomination (undo) is 
discontinued, and the prow is turned to the left instead 
of to the right. These changes are insignificant. 
But in Campania, in addition to four issues of silver 
didrachms (such as No. 5), not to mention drachms 
and small bronze, which continue with modifications 
the issues of the previous period, we now find certain 
series of heavy bronze or aes grave (such as No. 4), 
certain single issues of bar-money or quadrilateral 
" bricks " (such as No. 6), and also perhaps even gold 
coins. But the gold issues more probably began for 
the first time in the next period (No. 11). 

The silver didrachm of this series 2 weighs 
6*82 grammes normal, and is the equivalent of 

1 The dating and historical interpretation of the coins described in 
this section, as in the preceding and in the following, are in all 
essentials due to Haeberlin's Systematic. 

2 The T n the reverse is a series mark, employed by the mint 
officials to distinguish the various dies, or batches of coins. In this 
series, beginning with A, the marks run right through the Greek 
alphabet and then begin again with AA and once more exhaust the 
alphabet to nn. 



6 silver scruples or sciipula of Eoman weight. At 
the rate of 120 to 1 the didrachm would correspond 
in value to 3 asses of bronze, 1 and it is significant that 
the highest known denomination of the series of coins 
to which No. 4 belongs is not an as, but a tressis or 
piece of 3 asses. The connexion of this wheel-series 
(as, from the constant reverse type, it is called) of 
aes grave with the silver series is further established 
by the community of obverse types, and by other 
smaller points of contact. The connexion of the quad- 
rilateral bricks with the silver is less certain, but may 
be regarded as probable. On the brick No. 6 is the 
inscription ROMANOM. It can therefore hardly be 
later than this first issue of silver (No. 5) in this 
period, for the subsequent issues have not ROMANO 
or ROMANOM, but ROMA. On all the other 
varieties of bricks the inscription is wanting. This 
brick (No. 6) might, it has been urged, equally well 
belong to the first period of the Eoman coinage. 2 
Such an arrangement, however, would leave the first 
issue of silver in the present period without any 
corresponding brick ; whereas, on the system described 
above, each of the four issues of silver in this period 
would have its corresponding brick. 

The helmet worn by Eoma for that Eoma is 

1 6-82 X 120 = 818-40 = 3 X 272'80. 

2 Kegling, in Klio, vi. p. 500. 



intended admits of no doubt 1 is of the " Phrygian " 
type ; it is crested, and its point ends in a small 
griffin's head. This form of helmet seems to convey 
an allusion to the legendary foundation of Eome by 
exiles from Troy. It has already been suggested that 
the reverse type of the earliest Eomano-Campanian 
didrachm (the horse's head) may have been inspired 
by a Carthaginian model. And here again our Eoman 
type reminds us, though somewhat faintly, of the fine 
head of a queen wearing a tiara (not a helmet) of 
Asiatic form, on certain other Carthaginian pieces. 2 
The Victory, as symbolical of the continued advance 
of the Roman power, is obviously appropriate to the 
occasion of issue. 

The reverse type of the new aes grave of the Capuan 
mint a wheel has been ingeniously explained as 
a symbol of the internal communication which was 
established between Eome and Capua by the comple- 
tion of the Appian Way. It thus forms a sort of 
parallel to the prow on the Eoman aes grave, which 
symbolized the newly acquired command of the sea. 3 

The quadrilateral brick is one of a class of pieces 
which numismatists have as a rule conspired to call 
aes signatum, keeping the term aes grave for the 
circular coins, while the most primitive amorphous 

1 See Haeberlin in Corolla Numismatica (1906), pp. 135 ff., p. 146, etc. 

2 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pi. x. 7. 

3 Haeberlin, Systematik, p. 32, where an analogy from an imperial 
coin is quoted. 



metal currency is called aes rude. To the last term 
no exception whatever can be taken. But, strictly 
speaking, any aes marked with a type whatever its 
form is signatum. Since, as we now know, the 
quadrilateral pieces did not belong to the earliest 
period of Eoman coinage, the restriction to them of 
the term aes signatum is even less justifiable than it 
was when they were supposed to represent the tran- 
sition from the amorphous to the circular coins. 

On the piece at present before us the eagle, as 
the attribute of Jupiter and the symbol of Eoman 
sovereignty, 1 has a general appropriateness. Of the 
Pegasus, on the other hand, no certain explanation 
has been offered. The Eomans must recently have 
become familiar with it as a coin-type, for " Pegasi " 
on the Corinthian model 2 had been struck in large 
quantities since the middle of the fourth century at 
the South Italian city of Locri and at Syracuse, and 
in less numbers at small mints, such as Mesma and 
Ehegium in Bruttium and Leontini in Sicily. Eoman 
relations with the eastern shores of the Adriatic were 
not as yet very close, but the " Pegasi " of the various 
mints in that part of the world, and of Corinth itself, 
must have been common in Italy. This, then, may 
have suggested the type. If so, it is improbable that 
it has any special mythological significance here. 

1 This idea, however, may be of later origin. 

2 See Hist. Or. Coins, pp. 85 f . 


V '' f ',< ' 

' -^ ' 

' ' 


These " bricks," regarded as money, are only 
surpassed in awkwardness 1 by the enormous bronze 
coins of necessity issued in Sweden in comparatively 
modern times. But were they really coins after all ? 
The weights of the extant specimens vary from 1830 
to 1142 grammes. They never, like the contempo- 
rary circular money, bear marks of value. They 
very frequently occur in fragments, having been, it 
seems, deliberately broken. It is doubtful, therefore, 
whether they were actual money. It has been sug- 
gested 2 that they were issued by the mint to serve all 
purposes hitherto served by the aes rude and the type- 
less bars of metal, except the one purpose of monetary 
exchange. Bronze was used, for instance, to dedicate 
to the gods, or to place with the dead to furnish them 
with means for their journey into the other world, or 
to supply their needs when arrived there ; it played a 
part in various legal acts, such as emtio-venditio per 
aes et libram. An alternative suggestion 3 is that they 
were issued as a sort of raw material, which could be 
used in large payments together with ordinary circular 
bronze. The types impressed upon them would serve 
to guarantee the quality of the metal of which they 

1 We are reminded of the passage in Livy (iv. 60) in which the 
Romans are described as aes grave plaustris ad aerarium convehentes, 
because argtntum signatum did not yet exist. This was when the 
military pay was introduced in the Volscian War at the end of the 
fifth century, i.e., before the Eomans had any coined money at all ! 

2 Haeberlin, op. cit., pp. 56 f. 

8 Eegling in Klio, ut sup., p. 501. 



were made. Of course the scales would still be 
necessary. There is ample evidence that in the Middle 
Ages bars of metal, stamped and issued officially by 
various mints, were used together with ordinary 
coins ; and it is not improbable that the Eoman gold 
bars of the end of the third and the fourth century of 
our era often played a similar part. Nevertheless, it 
must not be forgotten that these bars, both in late 
Eoman and in mediaeval times, were made of the 
more precious metals then in circulation. Whereas, 
when the bronze bricks were used, we know that an 
official silver coinage existed. Thus, since, in the 
period which we are now considering, the silver 
didrachm was worth three asses, a couple of such 
didrachms would have more than served the purpose, 
from the point of view of exchange value, of one of 
these unwieldy bricks. It is possible to urge that in 
some of the central districts the silver Eomano-Cam- 
panian coinage would perhaps be scarce ; that, if the 
aes grave issued at the Capuan mint was intended 
specially for the Latin district, the Capuan silver 
would be more or less restricted to Campania. We 
may also be reminded of the fact that, in the sacred 
well at Yicarello, heaps of the struck Eomano-Cam- 
panian bronze occurred together with all sorts of 
bronze coins, 1 but no Eomano-Campanian silver. 

For the significance of the fact that the Eomano-Campanian money 
circulated farther north, see Haeberlin in Zeit. f. Num. xxvi. p. 235. 



This, however, proves little, for silver is seldom found 
in sacred deposits. 1 It must, at the same time, be 
admitted that Eomano-Campanian silver rarely occurs 
in hoards from Central Italy, although the struck 
bronze of the same class does so frequently. 2 The 
question of the use of the " bricks " must, therefore, 
for the present, be left open ; we cannot disprove the 
theory that they may have been used in large pay- 
ments, but the theory that they served ceremonial 
purposes is by far the most plausible that has yet 
been advanced. It is just in such usages that we 
should look for the survival of a somewhat clumsy 
and inconvenient form. 

In the coinage of this period, even as thus briefly 
outlined, we see a striking reflection of the gradual 
Eomanization of Campania and Latium. The silver 
is issued on a Roman standard, based on the scruple 
of 1*137 grammes, which is the equivalent of half a 
pound of bronze. The relation between the bronze 
and silver coinage becomes convenient and har- 
monious, the incongruity of the preceding period being 
abolished. The apparently Campanian genitive 
ROMANO is superseded, after the first issue, by 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, Hist, de la Monn. rom. I., p. 174. 

2 The statements of March! and Tessieri (L'aes grave del Mm. 
Kircheriano, p. 66) are somewhat vague in regard to the metal of the 
coins from " New Latium," and in the other hoards mentioned by 
A. Sambon (L'aes grave Italico, pp. 11, 12) the Komano-Campanian 
issues represented are all of bronze. 

H.R.C. C 17 


ROMA. The personification of Koma herself appears 
as the leading type. At least one of the other types 
conveys a direct allusion to the binding together of 
Home and Capua by the Appian Way. 

It is perhaps more than a coincidence that, as 
Haeberlin reminds us, the year of the censorship of 
the greatest Eoman of the age, Appius Claudius 
Caecus, is the year to which, on independent grounds, 
the reform of the Capuan mint can best be assigned. 
It is clear that a far-reaching reform like this could 
not have been instituted without his consent ; and it 
is reasonable to suppose that the man who joined 
Capua to Kome by road also helped to consolidate 
the young Koman empire by the highly important 
economic measure which we have just discussed. 

290269 B.C. 

7. Obv. Head of Bellonal., wearing crested Athenian 

helmet ; behind, 
Rev. Prow r. ; above, ROMA ; below, 

Bronze uncia, 13-48 grammes (208 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 22, 
No. 91. 

8. Obv. Head of beardless Janus on raised disk ; 

above, I. 

Rev. Head of Mercurius 1. in winged petasus, on 
raised disk; above, |. 

Cast bronze as. 339'25 grammes (5235'4 grains). British Museum 
(Parkes Weber gift). 


PL. V 

Nos. 7, 8. 


9. Obv. Head of Apollo r., hair bound with diadem, 

on raised disk ; [above, |]. 
Rev. Similar type 1. ; above, I. 

Cast bronze as. 346*02 grammes (5340 grains). B.M.C. Italy, 
p. 51, No. 1. 

10. Obv. Head of Janus, beardless, laureate. 

Rev. Jupiter, with thunderbolt and sceptre, in 
four-horse chariot r., driven by Victory ; 
below, in sunk letters on a raised tablet, 

Silver quadrigatus didrachm. 6'52 grammes (100'6 grains). B.M.C. 
II., p. 133, No. 90. 

11. Obv. Similar type to No. 10 ; below, XXX. 

Rev. Two soldiers taking an oath over the body 
of a pig, held by a kneeling attendant ; 
below, ROMA. 

Gold piece of 30 asses. 4-47 grammes (69 grains). British Museum. 

12. Obv. Elephant r. 
Rev. Sow 1. 

Cast bronze "brick." 1746-49 grammes (26952 grains). B.M.C 
Italy, p. 62, No. 1. 

The Samnites, whose power was broken at the battle 
of Sentinum in 295 B.C., continued the struggle 
against Eome until they were forced to conclude 
peace in 290. The third phase of the early Koman 
coinage is probably to be dated approximately from 
this time. The introduction of the denarius in 269 or 
268 gives us the lower limit. 

The first historical fact which we must bear in 

c2 19 


mind is the establishment by Home of an effectual 
control over the whole of Central Italy. By 283 the 
Sabine country had been annexed, colonies like Hatria 
established on the Adriatic coast, and the Kelts, who 
threatened from the North, decisively defeated. 
Secondly, this settlement was followed by a displace- 
ment of the forces towards the South. The bar- 
barians of Central Italy began to press hardly on 
the Greek cities of Magna Graecia. The Eomans, 
urged to interfere, effectively restored order, estab- 
lished garrisons in Locri and other cities, and drove 
the Tarentines, jealous of their position, into war. 
The success of Eome in the struggle with Tarentum 
and Pyrrhus left her mistress of practically the whole 
of Italy. 

This is a period, then, of transition. Out of a state, 
powerful indeed, but still not so powerful that other 
Italian states can only despair of success in a struggle 
with her, Eome is developing into the undisputed 
ruler of the peninsula. The coinage likewise passes 
through a transitory phase : various experiments seem 
to be made ; the system is complicated, half-hearted, 
and lacks uniformity ; and it is only after more than 
twenty years of this unsatisfactory state of things that 
Eome takes the heroic step of sweeping aside her 
rivals in the coinage. She issues her own silver, 
which henceforth with but few exceptions is the 
only silver currency of Italy. 


Nos. 9 ii. 


The first innovation in the coinage of the Eoman 
mint which attracts our notice in this period is a 
reduction in the weight of the as. Opinions vary - 
much as to the degree of this reduction. The actual 
weights of the asses of this " older reduction" vary 
from 156-65 to 99-60 grammes, with an average of 
131*23 grammes. The semisses vary from 89-50 to 
57*96 grammes, with an average of 73-16 grammes. 1 
If we are to suppose that there was throughout this 
period a normal weight for the as, and that the old 
Osco-Latin pound was still in use, we are almost 
bound to accept the view that the weight was 136*5 
grammes, i.e., half the old libra. The new as would 
then be the equivalent of the scruple of silver. But, 
when we consider the smaller denominations of this 
period, from the trims down to the quarter-ww^'a, a 
curious fact emerges. The normal weights' indicate 
that, if we assume an as of 136*5 grammes normal, it 
was divided not duodecimally, as before, but decimally. - 
Thus the normal uncia weighs apparently not 11-37 
but 13-64 grammes (actual average 12-85 grammes), 
i.e., ^ of the as of 136*5 grammes. How are we to 
explain the sudden supersession of the duodecimal by 
the* decimal system ? 

It is due to the fact 2 that the bronze coinage was 

1 Eegling, ut sup., p. 495. 

2 See Haeberlin, Metrol. Grundlagen, pp. 104 f. ; also his Systematik, 
p. 39. 



now regarded as subordinate to the silver ; the semi- 
libral as was merely the equivalent in bronze of the 
silver scruple. Now in the Komano-Campanian silver 
system the unit, or scruple, was divided decimally into 
ten libellae ; the actual denominations were all issued 
in bronze, in the shape of pieces of 4, 3, 2 libellae^ 
1 libella and ^ libella. Since the dominant unit, the 
silver scruple, was divided decimally, it is not sur- 
prising that the subordinate unit, the bronze as, was 
divided in the same way. 

Such being the relation between the two units, the 
reduction of the as was a matter of course ; it and the 
other denominations were bound in time to become a 
sort of token-money, although we do not know that 
any restriction was placed on the amount of such coin 
which could be tendered at a time. The reduction of 
the bronze has been regarded as a sign of state-bank- 
ruptcy ; but it was nothing of the kind, so long as the 
bronze was covered by the silver issues of the state. 
This being so, why should the government have been 
at pains to fix the weight of the bronze coins ? The 
reason was that the ordinary Eoman, if he was like the 
ordinary modern, would never really understand the 
nature of token-money. A reduction in the size of 
the British penny would be quite enough to produce a 
popular outcry and shake the public confidence. In 
order to reassure the public, therefore, it may well be 
that the Eoman state pretended, from time to time, 



to regulate the weight of the as, while allowing it 
gradually to sink. But the evidence of the coins 
themselves shows that any such action can have been 
little more than a pretence. 

"We must not leave the question of the first reduction 
of the as without mentioning Haeberlin's suggestion 
that it was associated with a public remission of debts. 
By the reduction of the weight of the as, debtors 
would be proportionately relieved. Now, about the 
beginning of our present period (288 286) the Plebs, 
after long and serious disturbances on account of 
debt, seceded to the Janiculum ; they returned at the 
instance of the dictator Q. Hortensius. * It is quite 
possible that they returned only on condition of the 
remission of their debts by some such measure as the 
halving of the as. If so, the beginning of our period 
must be fixed in 286 B.C. 2 

The reduction in the weight, and therefore in the 
size, of the bronze coins brought about a technical 
change. The uncia No. 7, unlike the pieces of aes 
grave with which we have met so far, is struck, not 
cast. It is a difficult matter to make dies of a large 
size strong enough to stand the strain of striking. 
Thanks to the reduction, it became possible for the 
Eomans to produce by striking not only the uncia, 
If uncia, and J uncia, but also the sextans or piece of 

1 Liv. Epit. libri xi. 

2 Haeberlin, Syttematik, pp. 44 f. 



2 unciae. The higher denominations continued to 
be made with moulds, until the further reduction 
brought these also within the range of the engraver 
of dies. 

Two series of aes grave, other than the ordinary 
Eoman series just considered, were produced in this 
period. They are known as the heavy Janus-Mercurius 
and the heavy Apollo series, 1 from the types of the 
asses in each (see Nos. 8, 9). Coins of the former series 
are characterized by bad workmanship and rudeness 
of style, by comparatively low relief, by a weight 
based on the pound of 327*45 grammes, 2 and by a 
greyish granular oxide common in the district round 
Borne ; they also occur in the famous deposit of 
Yicarello in much greater quantities than the Apollo 
series (1109 as against 108 pieces). The coins of the 
Apollo series, on the other hand, are of good style- 
unusually good for aes grave and in high relief, 
conform to a different standard (a pound of 341 
grammes), 3 and have the fine smooth green or brown 
patina characteristic of Campania. The Apollo series 
is accordingly assigned to the Capuan mint, the 
Janus-Mercurius series to the Eoman. The head of 

1 To be distinguished from the light series with corresponding types, 
and symbols (sickle and vine-leaf) on their reverses ; these belong to 
the previous period. 

2 Both Nos. 8 and 9 are above the normal weights, as is often the 

with aes grave. Cp. Haeberlin, Metrolog. Orundlagen, p.. 41. 
See Haeberlin, Metrolog. Grundlagen, p. 21. 



Janus on these coins is beardless, not bearded as on 
the prow series. We find the same head on the 
earliest Capuan silver and gold, with which we shall 
deal presently. 1 

Thus we now see the pound of 327*45 grammes 
(with the scruple of 1-137 grammes as its ^|^ part) 
definitely established in Eome. 

At Capua, the only silver coins issued in this period 
are the well-known quadrigati (No. 10), struck on 
the same standard as their predecessors. The types, 
it is to be observed, are purely Eoman. The Capuan 
mint also issued large quantities of struck bronze of 
smaller denominations, the libella, its multiples (up 
to 4) and its half. 

More remarkable are the gold coins (No. 11) the 
first issued under Eoman authority which accom- 
panied the silver quadrigati. They have a similar 
obverse, but on the reverse is a representation of 
two soldiers taking an oath over the body of a 
sacrificed swine. There are three denominations, 
the didrachm weighing 6 scruples, a piece weighing 
4 scruples, and the drachm of 3 scruples. On the 
piece of 4 scruples (No. 11) appears a mark of 
value, XXX, showing it to be equal to 30 asses. 
These are supposed to be 30 asses of Italic weight, 
i.e., of 273 grammes each. This may well be so, 

1 The lack of a beard on this double head is not sufficient reason for 
assumiijg it to represent some deity other than Janus. 



for, although the new pound may have now come 
in at Kome, there would be nothing surprising in the 
retention of the older pound, as a unit of reckoning 
at least, in Campania. 1 

Of the various " bricks" which are attributed to 
this period, one (No. 12), is of peculiar interest, for it 
is impossible to deny that in some way or other it 
must be associated with the war with Pyrrhus,. 
Legend says that at the battle of Ausculum in 
279 B.C. the elephants of Pyrrhus were frightened by 
the grunting of swine on the Eoman side. 2 The five 
elephants taken later at the battle of Beneventum 
were led in triumph in 273, and it was probably 
on this occasion, when elephants were first seen in 
Eome, that the piece was issued at Capua. 3 Whether 
the story of the swine is true, or had already been 
invented by that time, or was even a later growth, 
inspired by the types of the "brick," who shall 

1 The extremely difficult problems connected with this early gold 
coinage have been discussed by Haeberlin (Zeit. f. Num. xxvi., 
pp. 229 f.). In particular he has rehabilitated the piece of 30 asses, 
which was generally supposed to be false. The equation of 4 scruples 
of gold to 30 asses of bronze of the Italic weight gives a ratio of 
1820 : 1 as between gold and bronze, and if silver was to bronze as 
120 : 1, of loi : 1 as between gold and silver. 30 x 273 = 8190 = 
approximately 1820 X M37 X 4 ; and 1820 = 120 X 15J. 

2 Aelian de nut. anim. I. 38. 

3 Haeberlin, Systematic, p. 54. 



268 B.C. 

13. Obv. Head of Koma r. in winged helmet, orna 

mented with griffin's head ; behind, X. 
Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
below, on tablet, ROMA. 

Silver denarius. 4'32 grammes (66*7 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 15, 
No. 6. 

14. Similar to preceding, but V instead of X on obv., 

and ROMA on rev. 

Silver quinarius. 2-03 grammes (31'3 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 15, 

No. 10. 

15. Similar to No. 13, but MS instead of X, and 


Silver sestertius. 1-07 grammes (16'5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 16, 

No. 13. 

16. Obv. Head of Janus, laureate; above, I. 
Rev. Prow r. ; above I ; below, ROMA. 

Struck bronze as. 43-16 grammes (666 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 29, 
No. 219. 

17. Obv. Bust of Jupiter r. laureate ; behind, S. 
Rev. Prow r. ; below, ROMA ; above, S. 

Struck bronze semis. 20-41 grammes (315 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 31, 
No. 232. 

18. Obv. Head of Koma r., in winged helmet; 

behind, V. 



Rev. The Dioscuri charging r. ; below their 
horses, \r ; in exergue, ROMA. 

Silver quinarius. 2- 11 grammes (32 -6 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 179, 
No. 151. 

19. Obv. Head of Jupiter r. laureate. 

Rev. Victory crowning a trophy; in exergue, 

Silver victoriatus. 3-22 grammes (49*7 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 36, 
No. 296. 

" Imperial" is not too grand an epithet for the 
coinage on the new system inaugurated by Eome in 
269-8 B.C. The denarius, at first intended as the 
standard coin of the Italian possessions, spread with 
the extension of the Eoman dominions beyond the 
seas, and eventually dominated the currency of the 
civilized world for more than five hundred years. 
Not until the end of the third century after Christ, 
when it had sunk, it is true, to be a pitiable reflection 
of the excellent money as which it began, was it 
finally superseded by a new silver denomination. All 
through the Middle Ages the name persisted, and its 
initial still provides the abbreviation for the English 
" penny." 

We are fortunate in knowing within a couple of 
years the date of the great reform. Pliny's reckoning 
which is circumstantially stated gives us 269 B.C. 1 

1 N. H. 33. 13 (44) : Argentum signatum anno urbis cccclxxxv, 
Q. Ogulnio C. Fabio cos,, quinque annis ante primum Punicum bellum. 



The Epitome of Livy 1 places the change between 
the foundation of the colonies of Ariminum and 
Beneventum on the one hand, and the subjection of 
the Umbrians and Sallentines on the other. The two 
colonies in question were founded in 268 B.C.; the 
wars with the Umbrians and Sallentines seem to have 
gone on during 267 and 266. It may be that the 
rogation introducing the reform dated from 269, the 
coinage itself from the next year. It would take 
some time, when once the law was passed, to organize 
the Koman mint for the production of silver. 
Engravers would have to be fetched from Capua, and 
new workshops for striking coins installed. Hitherto 
few but cast coins had been issued from Eome. If 
the law was passed late in 269, it would be surprising 
if the coins were issued before 268. 2 

The denarius was, as its name implies, the silver 
equivalent of 1 bronze asses ; hence its mark of value, X. 
Similarly the quinarius (marked V), and the sestertius 
or semis-tertius (marked IIS), are the equivalents of 
5 and 2j asses respectively. 3 Let us for the moment 

et placuit denarium pro decem libris aeris valere, quinarium pro 
quinque, sestertium pro dupondio ac semisse. 

1 Spit. lib. xv. : Coloniae deductae Ariminum in Piceno, Beneventum 
in Samnio. tune primum populus Eomanus argento uti coepit. Umbri 
et Sallentini victi, etc. 

2 A certain amount of confirmation of the date 268 is to be gathered 
from an independent passage of Pliny relating to the coinage of 
217 B.C., which we shall discuss later. 

3 The dividing dot between the two units in the sestertius mark has 



assume that when the denarius was introduced the 
weight of the as was fixed by law. The normal 
weight of the earliest denarius is 4*55 grammes 
(4 scruples). At the rate of 120 : 1, it would be 
equivalent to 546 grammes of bronze, or 10 pieces of 
54 '6 grammes. The as of the time must therefore 
have weighed 54*6 grammes, which is ^ (the sextans) 
of the pound of 327'45 grammes. In other words, 
the as of the original denarius system was of the 
sextantal standard. 

There is, however, a certain body of opinion in 
favour of the view that the as had not fallen quite so 
low at the time of the introduction of the denarius, 
and that it belonged not to the sextantal but to the 
triental standard ; that is to say, that the denarius was 
the equivalent in value of 10 asses of 109-15 grammes. 
Such an equation postulates a ratio between silver 
and bronze of no less than 240 : 1. 1 We should there- 
fore have to assume that, when the denarius was 
instituted, silver was forced up in value to twice as 
much as it had been hardly a generation before. 
There is nothing incredible in this, since, as we have 
seen, silver was now the dominant partner in the 
system, and the bronze coin was little more than a 
token. Still, so violent a change in the ratio between 

been combined with them so as to give the sign H 8 generally used in 
texts for sestertius. 

> 1091-5 = 239-8 X 4'55. 



the metals would probably have excited apprehension, 
and it is much more probable that when the denarius 
was introduced the bronze as had actually fallen to 
so low a weight that the equation was possible with 
the old ratio of 120 : 1. 

The triental system, it has been argued, must have 
been in force in 268, since as late as 246, when the 
Eoman colony of Brundusium was founded, the 
coinage of that place was instituted on the triental 
standard. Mommsen maintained that, if this Eoman 
colony issued coins on the triental standard at the 
time of its foundation, that standard must have then 
been in use at Eome itself. But it is impossible to 
insist on such an argument, in view of our scanty 
knowledge of the relative values of bronze and silver 
in Calabria at this time. On that relation partly, and 
not wholly on the relation in force at Eome, would 
depend the standard adopted for the bronze coinage 
in the new colony. Or, it may well be that, in order 
to spread the influence of the denarius, the Eomans 
gave it a forced value in their colonies, such as they 
could not afford to give to it at Eome itself. If a 
denarius was worth 10 triental asses in Brundusium, 
and only 10 sextantal asses in Eome, denarii would 
tend to flow towards the colony. 

A very doubtful support is given to Mommsen's 
theory by the statement of Pliny l that the weight of 

i N, H. 33. 44. 



the as was reduced during the first Punic War. 
Pliny indeed leads one to suppose that the libral 
weight had been maintained up to then, and that it 
was suddenly lowered to the sextantal. In view of 
the weights of the extant coins, this is either nonsense, 
or to be interpreted as meaning that the reduced 
weight was not legally recognized until the 
sextantal stage was reached. Pliny's statement is 
so far in favour of Mommsen's theory that it implies 
that the sextantal stage was first legally recognized 
during the first Punic War. Eut we have seen what 
a serious difficulty is caused by supposing that the 
legal as was more than sextantal when the denarius 
was introduced. It is quite likely that Pliny may 
have been anxious to find an honourable excuse for 
the reduction of the as unnecessarily, since, as we have 
seen, the reduction was a natural development and 
not a symptom of state bankruptcy and so hit upon 
the stress of the first Punic War as offering circum- 
stances sufficiently straitened. The probabilities, 
however, are all in favour of the sextantal as having 
been legalized when the denarius was introduced. Up 
till that time, since the mint at Rome issued no silver, 
it may not have seemed so necessary to fix the weight 
of the as, although the number of asses which went to 
the silver unit was doubtless constant. Eut when 
both silver and bronze began to be issued from Rome 
it would obviously be desirable not merely to define 


the exchange, but also to determine by law the weight 
of the bronze money. 

We have seen that in the previous period the as was 
divided decimally. With the introduction of the 
denarius system a return was made to the duodecimal 
division. " From the moment when in the capital the 
clear principle of a parallel double standard took the 
place of a fluctuation between a silver standard and 
the expression thereof in bronze, the denarius was 
divided into ten asses, the as into twelve unciae." 1 That 
is to say, each metal was now coined on its natural 
divisional system. 

The head of Roma 2 on the new silver coinage is 
considerably altered from the form in which the early 
Capuan silver showed it. The helmet is no longer 
" Phrygian"; it is of the ordinary round shape with 
visor, provided, however, with wings and with a griffin- 
headed crest such as decorated the old " Phrygian " 
helmet. This, with slight modifications, long con- 
tinues to be the usual head-dress of Eoma, although 
the Phrygian form is occasionally revived. 

The Dioscuri are represented charging, as the later 
Roman tradition conceived their epiphania at the battle 
of Lake Regillus in 496 B.C. The older tradition, 
preserved by Livy, seems to have been merely that 

1 Haeberlin, Metrol. Grundlagen, p. 105. 

2 Certainly not Minerva. See Haeberlin, Der Roma-Typus, in 
Corolla Numismatica, pp. 135 155. 

H.R.C. D 33 


Aulus Postumius vowed a temple to Castor. But 
before the denarius was introduced Pollux had become 
the inseparable twin-brother of Castor, in accordance 
with the Greek conception of the pair, and perhaps 
also with the legend of their intervention at the battle 
of the Sagra on the side of the Locrians against the 
Crotoniates. 1 But apart from all this the significance 
of the type, from a monetary point of view, lies in the 
fact that the Dioscuri were the tutelary divinities of 
the Roman knights, i.e., of that class of the sovereign 
people who were especially occupied with commerce, 
so that their temple was in the heart of the business 
quarter. 2 

The reduction of the as to one -sixth of the original 
weight, and the corresponding reduction of the 
smaller denominations, brought them all down to a 
diameter (the as measuring about an inch and a half) 
which made it possible to strike them with dies 
instead of casting them in moulds. In the previous 
period this had not been possible for denominations 
larger than the triens. Some of the latest of the 
cast coins, by their grotesque rudeness, offer a curious 
contrast to the struck pieces. 

"What was the effect on the coinage of Italy in 
general of the important changes which we have 

1 Justin xx. 3. Bethein Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclop. V. 1105. The 
battle took place about 520 B.C. 
a Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 29 ; Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 183. 



described ? Capua continued to issue the silver 
quadrigati) perhaps even as late as the Hannibalian 
"War ; but the issue was limited, and the metal 
eventually adulterated. Elsewhere in Italy the local 
silver coinage came to an end, with one or two excep- 
tions. Of these the most important was the coinage 
of the Bruttians, which was continued down to the 
Hannibalian "War. It is possible that Tarentum and 
Neapolis also continued their silver currency in a 
limited measure. 1 In regard to bronze, the local 
mints, so far as we know, were little, if at all, restricted. 
To compensate for the cessation of the independent 
coinage of silver, the Eomans established mints for 
coinage on the denarius system in various places, such 
as Hatria, Croton, Luceria. Some of these issues can 
be identified by mint-marks : thus the quinarim No. 18 
is attributed to Luceria on the ground of the letter |/ 
(for L), which it bears. In other cases the local 
coinage is distinguished merely by its somewhat 
ruder workmanship, and cannot be assigned to specific 

But in addition to the local issues of coins on the 
denarius system, the Komans established, either about 
the same time or a little later, 2 a currency which is 
represented by the victoriatus (No. 19). The reason 

1 See A. J. Evans, The " Horsemen " of Tarentum, pp. 165 f. 

2 The date generally accepted is 229 B.C., when Corcyra, Apollonia, 
and Dyrrhachium submitted to Eome, retaining however some 
considerable measure of autonomy* Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 93. 

D2 35 


for the name is clear from the type of the reverse. 
The normal weight of the victoriatus in the first period 
of its existence was f of the denarius, i.e., 3 scruples 
or 3 -41 grammes. It was, however, regarded not as a 
denomination subordinate to the denarius, but as a 
unit by itself ; witness the fact that its half was 
marked with S, just as was the half as. What is 
more, from the purely Eoman point of view, it was 
not looked upon as a regular coin. It is the only piece 
not marked with its value. It follows that, though it 
had of course a commercial value, it was not legal 
tender. " A man who was owed 300 denarii could be 
forced to take 600 quinarii or 1200 sesterces, but nof 
400 victoriati" 1 It was, as Pliny says, treated mercis 
loco. 2 Why was this ? 

The fact is that the victoriatus took the place of the 
Campanian drachm, the half of the quadrigatus 
didrachm, the drachm having ceased to be issued 
before its double, which, as we have said, lingered 
on until nearly the end of the century. The victoriatus 
weighed the same as the drachm which it succeeded, 
and was struck in all the local Roman mints Luceria, 
Vibo Valentia, Croton, Corcyra and the like. It also 
weighed the same as certain currencies of important 
trading cities in Illyricum, viz., Apollonia and 
Dyrrhachium. Whether the victoriatus or the Illyric 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 87, 

2 N. H. 33. 46. 



coinages on this standard came first we cannot know. 
In either case, the uniformity of system points to the 
importance of trade between Italy and the Illyric 
coast. But the way in which Koman influence was, 
through the Eomano-Campanian coinage, pervading the 
Mediterranean coast is also shown by the facts that the 
latest Tarentine didrachms are based on a standard of 
6 scruples, and that a great trading port like Massalia 
found it desirable to assimilate its standard to that of 
the Eomano-Campanian 3-scruple drachm. 

The victoriatus, then, was not part of the home 
coinage properly speaking, but a kind of feeler thrown 
out by Eome before she decided to make the denarius 
itself a world coinage. When she found herself able 
to do this, she abolished the victoriatus as a separate 
denomination, by equating it to the quinarius. This 
was effected by the Clodian law, about 104 B.C. 1 

242 B.C. 

20. Obv. Bust of Mars, r. wearing crested helmet, 

behind, 4,X, 

Rev. Eagle r. on thunderbolt, flapping its wings ; 
below, ROMA. 

Gold. 60 sesterce piece. 3-41 grammes (52'6 grains). B.M.C. 
I., p. 27, No. 185. 

1 On the significance of the victoriatus, as outlined above, see 
Haeberlin in Zeit.f. Num. xxvi., p. 238. 



21. Similar to preceding, but with anchor as symbol 

on reverse. 

Gold. 60 sesterce piece. 3'34 grammes (51 -5 grains). B.M.C. 
H., p. 155, No. 19. 

22. Similar to No. 20, but with mark of value XXXX, 

and on reverse ROMA. 

Gold. 40 sesterce piece. 2-23 grammes (34-5 grains). B.M.O. 
L, p. 27, No. 187. 

23. Similar to No. 20, but with mark of value XX, 

and on reverse ROMA. 

Gold. 20 sesterce piece. 1-12 grammes (17'2 grains). B.M.C. 
I., p. 27, No. 190. 

24. Obv. Head of Koma r. ; behind, X. 

Eev. The Dioscuri on horseback charging r. ; below 
horses, anchor ; on tablet, ROMA. 

Silver denarius. 4'06 grammes (62'7 grains). B.M.C. II., p. loo, 
No. 21. 

The date of the first issue of gold from the mint at 
Eome is a matter of much dispute. Pliny has a 
definite statement to the effect that the " gold coin 
was first struck 51 years after the silver, the scripulum 
being equivalent to 20 sestertii, and the pound there- 
fore amounting in value to 5760 sestertii of the 
time." 1 Fifty-one years from the introduction of the 

1 N. H. 33. 47. His source here is probably not the same as that 
whence he derived the date 217 B.C. for the uncial reduction and the 
equation of the denarius to 16 asses (see below, Nos. 26, 27). The 
passage is tacked on, at the end of the section about coinage, some- 
what loosely, and looks like a note taken from some other authority. 
As regards the date, the good Bamberg MS. reads LI, the others LXIL 



denarius bring us to 218 or 217 B.C., according as we 
accept the Plinian or the Livian date for the earlier 
reform. Now it is a principle well-known to numis- 
matists, and evidently familiar also to ancient 
historians, that isolated gold coinages were usually 
initiated in times of monetary distress. There was 
no unusual strain on the Eoman finances in the year 
218. 1 The Senate took no steps to raise extraordinary 
forces for the coming opening campaign. But after 
the disaster of Trasimene in April, 217, all the circum- 
stances were such as would justify the issue of a special 
gold coinage. We have therefore here an independent 
confirmation 2 of the Livian (268) as against the 
Plinian date (269) for the introduction of the 

Now the date 217, to which the issue of gold coin 
is on this evidence assigned, has generally been 
accepted as correct. We have little pieces of gold of 
three denominations, with marks of value representing 
60 (Nos. 20, 21), 40 (No. 22) and 20 (No. 23), and 

Willers (Corolla Numism., p. 314) corrects to LX, and makes the 
passage refer to the well-known gold Eomano-Campanian coins with 
the oath-taking scene, which he assigns to 209 B.C. He has not made 
out his case ; see Haeberlin in Zeit. f. Num. xxvi., pp. 241 f. 

1 See Mommsen, Hut. of Rome, or the passage from Neumann quoted 
by Willers, op. cit., p. 312. 

2 The confirmation is not affected by the possibility that no such 
gold coinage was really struck in 217 B.C. We assume that Pliny's 
authority thought it was, and made his chronological reckoning 



equating them to as many sestertii respectively. The 
denominations weigh in scruples 3, 2 and 1 respec- 
tively. There is no reason to doubt that Pliny's 
authority had these coins in mind when he gave 
the value of the gold scruple in sesterces. "Whether 
he is right in his date is quite another question. 

Count de Salis, in his arrangement of the British 
Museum collection, divided our gold pieces into two 
classes, (1) those of poor style, with moneyers' symbols, 
(2) those of good style, without symbols. The latter 
he assigned to Eome ; the others, with the corre- 
sponding denarii and bronze coins, he assigned to local 
mints ; and both classes, according to his chronological 
classification, belong to about 240 229 B.C. 

Now, what is the basis of this chronology ? If we 
take the gold pieces which bear symbols, and which 
were apparently issued at local mints, we find the 
following symbols : anchor, spear-head, staff, pentagon, 
ear of corn. The same symbols occur also on denarii 
and on bronze of the sextantal standard. But those 
who wish to maintain the later date of the gold pieces 
in question point out that four out of these five 
symbols, viz., the anchor, the spear-head, the staff, 
the pentagon, occur on denarii or bronze coins which 
must, owing to the bronze being uncial in standard, 
be ascribed to a later date, since the uncial standard 
superseded the sextantal in 217 B.C. It does not, 
however, follow from this that the gold coins must 


belong to the later date, but only that we are free to 
make our choice between the two dates. The bulk of 
the evidence of the symbols points to the earlier, and 
so also does the style of the gold coins which, in the 
specimens assigned to the Roman mint by de Salis, is 
very much better than the style of the denarii which 
belong to the years about 217 B.C. 

But if we accept de Salis's date, Pliny's statement 
as to the year in which gold was first struck at Rome 
must be rejected. That statement may indeed well 
have been due to some antiquary's constructive 
imagination. "We must not, as we have already seen, 
be misled by Pliny's circumstantiality. 1 There is 
nothing more easy than to be circumstantial in support 
of a conjecture. An antiquary, who had made up his 
mind that these gold coins were issued during the 
great Hannibalian crisis, would very naturally reckon 
back to see how many years it was since the intro- 
duction of the silver coinage. The fact that Pliny 
specifies this number of years adds no credibility to 
his statement. The modern archaeologist bases his 
date, right or wrong, on the comparison between the 
gold coins themselves and the other objects with which 
they must have been contemporary, viz., the denarii 

1 He is of course often demonstrably wrong, and usually muddled ; 
but Mommsen (ii., p. 12) unnecessarily accuses him, or his and 
Festus's authority, Verrius Flaccus, of saying that the quadrigati and 
ligati were the most ancient denarii. The passage means no more 
than that the quadrigati and bigati were so called from their types. 



and bronze coins, which by their weight or style are 
shown to belong to the period before the Hannibalian 

There is no other Eoman gold coinage which can 
reasonably be attributed to the year 217 or 218 B.C. If 
the theory described above is true, then either Pliny's 
source is untrustworlhy, or Pliny himself has mis- 
understood his authority, or such gold coins as were 
then struck have disappeared. 

Next let us examine de Salis's date, and see 
whether we can narrow its limits. His suggestion of 
240 229 B.C. may be allowed to include a margin of 
a few years on either side. Now, in antiquity, such 
isolated gold coinages as we are discussing were, as 
we have said, almost always issued during crises. A 
good instance is the gold coinage struck when the 
Arcadians seized Olympia in 365 B.C. and placed the 
conduct of the games in the hands of the Pisatans. 1 
The exceptional gold issues of Athens dating from 
407 and 338 B.C. are well known. Eecently, a group 
of electrum coins struck by Chios and other Ionian 
states has been, with great probability, ascribed to 
the crisis of the Ionic Eevolt. 2 The types of the coins 
before us, be it noted, are distinctly martial. But in 
240 B.C. Eome had passed through her crisis. The 

1 Hist. Greek Coins, p. 76. 

2 P. Gardner, The Gold Coinage of Asia before Alexander the Great 
in Proc. Brit. Acad. iii. 



First Punic War was just over. The time was there- 
fore not apt for a special coinage. 

"We have, however, seen that, according to the 
most probable chronology, the sextantal standard was 
legalized as early as 268 B.C. So far, therefore, as we 
may argue from the sextantal bronze coins with which 
the local issues of gold are associated, that gold coinage 
may date back to 268 B.C. The denarii with symbols, 
on the other hand, do not seem to be of quite the 
earliest type. In fact, the mere appearance of the 
symbol is a sign that they are likely to be compara- 
tively late. It may be suggested, therefore, that the 
coinage in question belongs to the end of the First 
Punic War, in fact to that final crisis which imme- 
diately preceded the victory of Catulus at Aegusa 
(10 March, 241). We know that the fleet which 
won this battle was provided by private subscription. 
Two hundred ships manned by sixty thousand men : 
for such a force a special issue of coin must have been 
necessary. It is to this date then that we would 
conjecturally attribute the gold coins of 60, 40 and 20 
sesterces, and the corresponding silver and bronze 

Such is the argument in favour of an early date for 
the gold pieces of 60, 40 and 20 sesterces. The argu- 
ments against it, as summarized by Dr. Haeberlin, 1 

1 In a private communication, for which I desire to express my 



are: (1) if it is accepted, Pliny's evidence must be 
rejected ; (2) the fleet in 242 was raised by private 
efforts, not by the state; (3) it is probable that a 
gold issue accompanied the uncial reform of 217, 
gold being tariffed above its real value ; and such an 
excessive value for gold suits no other year better 
than the crisis of 217 ; (4) the evidence from the 
symbols is not against the later date. "With (1) and 
(4) we have already dealt. In reply to (2) it may be 
said that although the fleet was raised by voluntary 
efforts, money was necessary to pay the crews. 
Demarete voluntarily provided the treasure out of 
which the Demareteia were coined, but it was the state 
that coined them. 1 As regards (3), there was a crisis 
in 242, as there was in 217 ; though perhaps not so 
serious, it might easily have led to the issue of gold 
at a rate above its real value. 

229 B.C. 

25, Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate. 

Rev. Victory crowning a trophy ; in exergue, 
ROMA ; in the field, monograms of KOPK 
and AT. 

Silver victoriatus. 2 -77 grammes (42*7 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 197, 
No. 227. 

One of the consequences of the expedition to Scodra 

1 Hist. Greek Coins, p. 38. 



and the suppression of the Illyrian pirates in 229 B.C. 
was that Corcyra became an " ally " of Eome, under 
a Eoman governor. This was the first step of the 
Komans across the Adriatic. Its importance is illus- 
trated by the fact that on, or soon after, the acquisi- 
tion of the island coins of distinctly Eoman character 
were struck there. The monograms containing the 
first three or four letters of the name of Corcyra, and 
the first two letters of the name of a Corcyraean 
magistrate (' Ayfoavbpos ?) 1 are all that distinguish this 
victoriatus and a contemporary quinarius from the 
victoriati and quinarii issued at Italian mints. The 
monogram of the name of Corcyra is of a form actually 
found on local coins, 2 so that there can be no doubt as 
to the attribution. 

We have already (p. 36) had to deal incidentally with 
the origin of the victoriatus. It is hardly necessary to 
say that the existence of this particular victoriatus^ with 
the mint- mark of Corcyra, which could not have been 
issued before 229 B.C., does not prove that no victoriati 
were issued before that date. The actual course of 
events was probably that at a somewhat earlier 
period the Eomans began by issuing victoriati from 
Eome itself, although they were intended, as we have 
seen (p. 37), for extra-Eoman currency. Then, when 

1 This was the name of a Corcyraean prytanis ; see F. Lenormant in 
Rev. Num., 1868, p. 152. 

2 B.M.C. Thessaly to Aetolia, pp. 140 ff. 



more mints were established in the peninsula, they 
issued victoriati with local mint marks, such as L, C, 
B, H, or VB in monogram : marks which have been 
assigned to Luceria, Canusium, Beneventum, Her- 
donea and Yibo Valentia. The Corcyra mint-mark 
ranks with these. It is a general rule that of two 
similar series of coins, one with and the other without 
differentiating marks, the former is the earlier, since 
such differentiae are usually due to increasing com- 
plexity of organization. 

217 B.C. 

26. Obv. Head of Eoma r., in winged helmet; 

behind, X. 

Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
below, on tablet, ROMA ; symbol, prow r. 

Silver denarius. 4*02 grammes (62*0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 54, 
No. 448. 

27. Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate ; behind, $. 
Eev. Prow r. ; below, ROMA ; above, symbol, 

prow r. ; to r. S. 

Bronze semis. 14*64 grammes (226*0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 54, 
No. 454. 

The reduction of the bronze as from the weight of 
two ounces to one is by general consent dated to the 
crisis of the Hannibalian war. Verrius Flaccus, an 


Nos. 13 27. 


antiquary of the Augustan age, is the authority 1 for 
the statement : numerum aeris perduct[um esse ad 
xvi in denario lege Fla]minia minus solvendi, cu[m 
Hannibalis bello premere]tur populus romanus. 

Pliny 2 is probably, though not certainly, quoting 
from the same source when he says : " When Hannibal 
was pressing the Eomans hard, in the dictatorship 
of Q. Fabius Maximus, the as was made uncial, and 
it was decided that the denarius should exchange for 
1 6 asses, the quinarius for eight, the sestertius for four. 
Thus the state made a gain of a half " (the as having 
been previously of the weight of two unciae), " but, 
in paying military wages one denarius was always 
given for 10 asses. ," On this stage in the develop- 
ment of the Eoman coinage some further light is 
thrown by a passage of Zonaras: 3 "Hieron sent 
many contributions, of which the Eomans accepted 
only the corn and a figure of Victory, although they 
were in such pecuniary straits that they adulterated 
with bronze the silver money which had hitherto been 
unadulterated and pure." 

Another passage of Pliny relating to this same 
year 217, and the supposed first issue of gold money, 
has already been discussed (above, p. 21). 

There is a contradiction between the passages of 

1 Apud Festum, p. 347, quoted by Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 11. 

2 N. H., 33. 45. 

3 8.26. 



Pliny and of Festus, since, as Mommsen points out, 
Flaminius was dead before Fabius became dictator. 
If the reform was due to a lex Flaminia, it must have 
been promulgated before the battle of Trasimene. 
But the dictatorship of Fabius is probably, and very 
naturally, used to date the whole year, although he 
only held office for part of it. 

The authorities are silent on another important 
change which was made in this year. The weight 
of the denarius was reduced by about one-sixth. It 
had previously weighed about 4'55 grammes (4 
scruples) ; it henceforth weighed about 3-90 grammes 
(3 J scruples), 1 or -^ of a pound instead of y 1 ^. Denarii 
of about this weight ("No. 26) are associated with the 
uncial as and its divisions, such as the semis (No. 27). 
It will be noticed that the two coins illustrated have 
the same differentia, a prow. Since the denarius now 
weighed ^ of the pound and was, as we are told, the 
equivalent of 16 asses of uncial weight, it follows 
that -^ Ib. of silver was the equivalent of yf lb. of 
bronze, so that the relation of silver to bronze was 
112 : I. 2 

The annual stipendium of the soldier was 1200 
asses. For this he continued to receive 120 denarii, 
and not 75 only, as he would have done had he been 

1 It is significant that this is the weight of the Carthaginian drachm. 
Haeberlin, Metrolog. Qrundlagen, p. 61, note. 
i x 84 = 112. 



subjected to the new rate. Later, Julius Caesar 
trebled the number of asses in the stipendium, giving 
3600 instead of 1200 ; but he reckoned these asses 
at the modern rate of 16 to the denarius, so that he 
paid his soldiers 225 denarii a year. 1 

The fact that in 217 B.C. the number of asses for 
which a denarius was given, in estimating the pay of 
the Roman legionary, remained unchanged, is supposed 
to account for the retention of the mark of value X. 
That mark, indeed, was probably by this time 
regarded as denoting the name rather than the value 
of the coin. The numerals XVI appear for a short 
time on denarii which may be dated about 140 B.C. 2 
Still later (about 125), the form * appears, and 
becomes usual. This does not mean XVI, as some 
have supposed, but is merely X differentiated as 
denominational mark by means of a horizontal stroke. 
The stroke was more often, in such cases, placed 
above the letter j but a passage of Maecianus 3 con- 
firms the explanation just given, for besides the 
form * for denarius he gives a V similarly erased as 
the mark of the quinarius. The quinarius was not 
issued again until the end of the second century; 
when it reappeared, it was marked with a Q . 

1 Tac. Ann., i., 17. 

8 Grueber, B.M.C., Rom. Rep., i.,p. 118. 

3 Hultsch, Metrol. Script., ii., p. 66. 

H.R.C. E 49 


216215 B.C. 

28. Obv. Janiform head of Persephone, wearing corn- 

Rev. Jupiter in quadriga r., driven by Victory ; 
he holds sceptre in 1. and wields thunder- 
bolt in r. 

Electrum. 2'79 grammes (43'0 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 139, 
No. 147. 

The attribution of these coins, as regards date and 
mint, is more or less conjectural ; but the conjecture 1 
has been generally accepted. The types, on the 
obverse recalling, on the reverse actually repeating, 
the types of the quadrigati (see No. 10), identify the 
mint, without possibility of reasonable doubt, as 
Capua. But instead of the beardless head of Janus, 
we have a janiform head of a divinity wearing a 
wreath of corn-ears, in which every person acquainted 
with the coins of Carthage will recognize a janiform 
representation of the goddess Persephone, as the artists 
of the later Carthaginian issues conceived her. She 
is made janiform in order to appeal as familiar to the 
Campanians who had long used the quadrigati. These 
very Campanians had been accustomed to good honest 
gold, silver and bronze ; electrum now made its first 
appearance in Italy. The Carthaginians had for some 

1 Due chiefly to Percy Gardner, Num. Chron. 1884, pp. 220 f. 



time been issuing coins in this somewhat unsatisfactory 
mixture, an expedient to which they had been driven 
by the gradual loss of their wealthy possessions in 
Sicily and Spain. Finally, the weight is peculiar ; the 
maximum seems to be 3' 10 grammes (47*9 grains). 
Now that is very close to the weight of the Cartha- 
ginian electrum coins of the period 218 146 B.C. 1 
The conclusion is irresistible that we have here 
Carthaginian coins struck at a Campanian mint, which 
is tantamount to saying that they were issued when 
Hannibal was in possession of Capua. They illustrate 
the Punic art of slily adapting the coinage of their 
neighbours, with slight modifications, an art which is 
vividly displayed in the case of the earliest Siculo- 
Punic coinage. 2 

201 B.C. 

29. Obv. Head of the City of Alexandria (ALEXAN- 

ORE A) r., wearing turreted crown. 
Rev. M. Aemilius Lepidus placing a wreath on 
the head of Ptolemaeus V., who holds a 
sceptre; inscription, M LEPIDVS TVTOR 

1 L. Muller, Num. de Vane. Afrique, ii., p. 86, Nos. 7073 ; max. 
3 '05 grammes (47'1 grains). 

2 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, PL X. 

E2 5] 


REG'PONF-MAXS-C-(the NF ligatured 
to represent NTIF). 

Silver denarius. 3'98 grammes (61'5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 449, 
No. 3648. 

This coin was struck about 65 B.C. by M. Aemilius 
Lepidus, a descendant of the person whom it com- 
memorates. Other coins of the same date and 
money er represent (1) the equestrian statue, granted 
by the Senate, of one Aemilius Lepidus, who as a 
boy of fifteen slew an enemy in battle and saved the 
life of a Eoman citizen ; (2) the Basilica Aemilia. 
The inscription on the former is M LEPIDVS AN'XV* 
PR-H-OC'S' Valerius Maximus tells the story, and 
uses the phrase progressus in aciem. Consequently the 
abbreviations have been resolved : an(norum) XV. 
pr(ogressus) h(ostem) o(cci.sit) c(ivem) s(ervavit). 
But the participle progressus can hardly be used 
absolutely. 1 A better suggestion is praetextatus, 
although his standing is sufficiently indicated by 
AN XV. 2 It seems to be generally assumed, without 

1 Mr. George Macdonald suggests that, in view of the extraordinary 
coincidence between the words of Valerius Maximus (progressus in 
aciem hostem interemit, civem servavit] and the inscription on the coin, 
progressus may after all be right ; Valerius Maximus, or his authority, 
may be quoting (from memory) the actual inscription of which the 
coin gives a shorthand version. But these abbreviated inscriptions on 
Eoman coins show a curious conscientiousness on the part of the 
engravers, who represent every word of the original in some way 
(cf. No. 96). 

2 There is no stop between the P and the E, otherwise P(opuli) 
E(omani), qualifying H(ostem), would be possible. 



any evidence, that this youthful hero was the man 
who is represented on No. 29 as " tutor" of the 
young Egyptian King. As regards the Basilica 
Aemilia, that was built by the propraetor M. Aemilius 
Lepidus out of the plunder which he accumulated 
during his governorship of Sicily in 80 B.C. The 
moneyer was probably the son of this propraetor. 

The man with whom we are at present concerned was 
despatched in 201 B.C. with two others (who, though 
older than he, played a subordinate part throughout) 
to Egypt and Syria, in order to secure the support of 
their rulers against Philip V. 1 At the time, 
Ptolemaeus Y. was a minor, and two writers, not 
indeed of the highest authority, seem to confirm the 
statement of the coin that Aemilius acted as the 
king's guardian. Valerius Maximus 2 tells us that 
Ptolemaeus IV. had by his will appointed the Eoman 
people guardians of his son, and that the Senate 
despatched as its representatives three men, including 
M. Aemiiius Lepidus, Pontifex Maximus and twice 
consul. 3 Further, Justin confirms the statement about 

1 Polybius xvi. 27. 5 ; Liv. xxxi. 2. 3. 

2 VI. 6. 1. 

3 Niese, Gesch. d. gr. u. male. St. ii., p. 637 note, argues that this 
description implies a later date, since Lepidus was not consul II. 
until 175 B.C. He might have added that he was not pontifex 
maximus until 180 B.C. It is more surprising to find that even by 
Mommsen-Blacas (ii., p. 501, note) Valerius is also accused of a 
"faute de chronologie." Obviously the titles "twice consul" and 
"pontifex maximus" are only used by Valerius, as by the designer 



the will of Ptolemaeus IV., 1 and says that the Alex- 
andrians demanded a regent from the Komans, who 
were only too glad of this excuse for interference. 2 
A third writer, who commands more respect, Tacitus, 3 
also reminds his readers that " maiores M. Lepidum 
Ptolemaei liberis tutorem in Aegyptum miserant." 
There was, then, certainly a very distinct belief, as 
early as the period of our denarius, i.e., about 65 B.C., 
that the mission of Aemilius to Egypt was prompted 
by the demand, expressed either by Ptolemaeus IV. 
or by the Alexandrians, for the interference of Eome. 
Now, modern criticism 4 has discovered that there is 
" no room " for a Koman guardian of the king at this 
period. Of guardians the little Ptolemaeus has first 
Agathokles, then Tlepolemos, and then Aristomenes. 
Also, Polybius and Livy say nothing about such a 
function being fulfilled by Aemilius. In any case, he 
left Egypt very soon, for we hear of him anywhere 
rather than in that country. It seems, however, 
unnecessary to conclude that the story of the guar- 
dianship is entirely a myth of comparatively late 
origin. Whether the will of Ptolemaeus IV. appointed 

of the coin, to distinguish this Aemilius from others, not with 
chronological significance. 

1 XXXI. i. 2. 

2 XXX. ii. 8 ; iii. 3 f. Mittitur et M. Lepidus in Aegyptum, qui 
tutorio nomine regnum pupilli administret. 

8 Annal. ii. 67. 

4 See Niese, loc. cit., and Svoronos, Munzen der Ptd., IV. 260 ff. 



Borne the guardian of his son or not, we can well 
imagine that the Bomans would take full advantage of 
any claim, real or invented, to such a title. It might 
be used diplomatically, and yet not find a place in the 
narrative of a Polybius or a Livy. It seems reason- 
able, therefore, to believe that the story of this 
guardianship is founded upon fact, although some 
elements of exaggeration may have made their way 
into the family tradition. 

Count de Salis attributed the coin with which we 
are dealing to the year 65 B.C., approximately. The 
date is based on the stylistic connexion between this 
money er's coins and the coins of Q. Pomponius Musa 
and M. Piso M. f. Frugi, which de Salis assigns, on 
different grounds, to 67 and 66 B.C. respectively. 
Mommsen, on the other hand, prefers the date 61, 
since about that time negotiations, upon which the 
fate of Egypt hung, were going on at Borne. There 
is, it is true, no reason to assume that the type must 
have been inspired by some event of the moment ; it 
was chosen primarily as an illustration of the moneyer's 
family history. Nevertheless, there may well have 
been some such connexion with current events. We 
know that Ptolemaeus Auletes spent the greater part 
of his reign and much of his fortune in attempts to 
obtain the support of Borne. Some circumstances in 
his intrigues even as early as 65 B.C. may therefore 
well have inspired the type. 



The denarius which we have been discussing bears 
neither the word ROMA nor those types which were 
characteristic of this class of coin in its first 
stages. In our next section we shall see how the 
original character of the denarius was gradually 
modified during the second century. Both these modi- 
fications, and the disappearance, at a still later date, 
of the word ROMA, seem to have been due to the 
same ultimate cause, viz., the gradual development of 
the denarius into a world- currency, and the elimination 
of its rivals. 1 


30. Obv. Head of Koma r., in winged helmet ; 

behind, X 

Rev. Luna, with crescent on forehead, in chariot 
r. drawn by two galloping horses ; below, 
a prawn, and (on tablet) ROMA- 

Silver denarius. 3'95 grammes (60'9 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 75, 
No. 585. 

31. Obv. Similar to No. 30. 

Rev. Victory, winged, in chariot r. drawn by two 
galloping horses; below, V SAVF (the 
VF ligatured) and ROMA (on tablet). 

Silver denarius. 4'06 grammes (62-7 grains). B.M.C. I., p. Ill, 
No. 834 

1 See Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 185. 



32. Obv. Similar to No. 30, but behind the head a 

one-handled jug. 

Rev. She- wolf suckling the twins Eomulus and 
Eemus; in the background the ruminal 
fig-tree with birds perched on it ; on the 
1. the shepherd Faustulus leaning on staff 
and raising r. hand ; around, SEX- POM- 
[FO]STLVS ; in exergue, ROMA. 

Silver denarius. 3*89 grammes (60'0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 132, 
No. 927. 

These three pieces serve well to illustrate the 
character of the changes through which the denarius 
passed in the first three quarters of the second cen- 
tury. No. 30, according to de Salis's classification, 
belongs to the period 196 173 B.C.; No. 31 to the 
period 172151 ; and No. 32 to the period 150125. 
The definitions of these periods are, it must be 
remembered, somewhat conjectural ; but it may be 
taken as certain that all three coins belong to the first 
75 years of the century, and that they are arranged, 
relatively to each other, in chronological order. 

The reverse of No. 30 gives us the earliest varia- 
tion from the original denarius type of the Dioscuri. 
The goddess is generally described as Diana ; some- 
times as " Diana or Luna." It is, however, preferable 
to distinguish her as Luna. The two deities were for 
long kept distinct ; and Diana, as worshipped at 
Borne in early times, was the Latin goddess of the 



type known in the famous sanctuary of Aricia. She 
was essentially the goddess of childbirth and the 
helper of women. It is doubtful whether she would 
be represented as the goddess is represented on our 
coin, although figures of the Diana Nemorensis from 
Nemi do represent her, owing to Greek influence, 
as a huntress. If we could suppose the coin-type to 
be meant for the Bomano- Greek Diana- Artemis, we 
should have an interesting historical combination, 
accounting for her appearance on the coins at this 
time. For in 187 B.C. the consul M. Aemilius 
Lepidus, during his campaign against the Ligurians, 
vowed a temple to Diana, which he dedicated during 
his censorship in 179. 1 But it is probable that the 
Greek Artemis would also have been represented as 
the huntress-goddess, even as we find her on the coins 
issued at Syracuse just before this period, during the 
democracy of 215 212 B.C. The goddess on our 
coins is so evidently characterized as Luna or the 
Moon that we have no justification for calling her 
anything else. 

Now this goddess was much revered at Borne. 
Her chief temple, said to have been founded by 
Servius Tullius, 2 lay on the slope of the Aventine, 

1 Liv. xxxix. 2, xl. 52. This, and a temple of luno Eegina, dedicated 
at the same time, were in the neighbourhood of the Circus Plaminius. 

2 Ovid, Fast. iii. 883 ; Tac. Ann. xv. 41. In 182 B.C. a storm 
forem ex aede Lunae, quae in Aventino eat, raptam tulit, et in posticis 
partibus Cereris templi affixit (Liv. xl. 2). 



ad circum maximum. The other shrines, such as that 
of Noctiluca on the Palatine, 1 seem to have been less 
important. Was there any historical reason for the 
adoption of the moon-goddess as a coin-type during 
the period to which these coins are attributed ? The 
only event which seems to suggest itself is the reform 
of the calendar which took place, by the provisions of 
the lex A cilia, in the year 191 B.C. The calendar 2 had 
fallen into serious confusion in the year 207 B.C., 
when the principle of intercalation was given up. 
Apparently it was thought that the sun-god Apollo was 
offended because the expression in the calendar of his 
annual course was distorted by contamination with the 
foreign lunar element. So the intercalary month was 
dropped, and it was not until the year 191 that the 
consul M' Acilius Glabrio effected a reform. The 
details of this may not be quite certain, but there 
is no doubt that it had to do with the restoration of 
something like the old system. The moon, therefore, 
may be regarded as having come to her own again, 
and it is hardly fanciful to conjecture that such a 
change may have been commemorated by the intro- 
duction of the type of Luna into the coinage. If so, 
we may date the first appearance of these coins to the 
year of the consulship of Acilius, 191 B.C. 

1 Hor. Carm. iv. 6. 38. 

3 For an account of this episode, see Unger, Zeitrechnung, in Iwan 
Miiller's Handbuch, i a . pp. 804 f. 



The coin of L. Saufeius bears the device of 
Victory in a biga, another of the types which helped 
to break down the monopoly of the Dioscuri. It 
is probably to coins like this and the preceding 
that Tacitus refers when he alludes to the popularity 
among the northern barbarians of the coins bearing a 
biga. 1 

If we seek a motive for the adoption in the period 
172 151 of Victory as a new type for the denarius 
we may find it in the signal successes which in this 
period attended the Eoman arms. The crushing 
defeat of Antiochus the Great at Magnesia in 190 B.C. 
had placed the whole of the Levant virtually at the 
feet of Eome. But even more striking, because much 
nearer home, was the victory at Pydna in 168 that 
final humiliation of the Greeks which allowed Eome 
to enter upon the inheritance of Alexander the Great. 
It is not surprising that such a change in her position 
should be reflected in the coinage. 

The type of Sex. Pompeius Fostlus, on the other 
hand, is one of those personal types which began to 
appear once it was felt that change in the reverse type 
of the denarius was permissible. The process is 
characteristic of Eoman historical development : first, 
complete uniformity ; then the beginnings of change, 

1 Germ. 5 : pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, serratos bigatosque. 
The serrati are the coins with notched or serrated edges, regarding 
which see No. 47. 



but still without the obvious intrusion of the personal 
element ; finally, the domination of the individual. 1 

Behind the wolf and twins stands i\LQficusruminalis, 
which once shaded the Lupercal, or cave in which 
Eomulus and Eemus were suckled by the she-wolf. 
Of the birds, which on good specimens may be made 
out on the tree, one should be the picus Mar Us, the 
woodpecker sacred to Mars. 2 The type is either 
merely a " canting" type, referring to the cognomen 
of the money er Sex. Pompeius (or Pomponius) 
Fostlus, 3 or else, as is more probable, it indicates a 
claim on his part to be descended from Faustulus, the 
shepherd who rescued the twins. In any case, the 
reference of the type is strictly personal. The one- 
handled vase which occurs as a symbol on all the coins 
of this moneyer, irrespective of their type, has been 
explained, presumably in jest, as a milk-jug, because 
the she-wolf is giving her milk to the twins. 4 

The initials of the moneyers began to be placed on 
the coins during the period 217 197 B.C. It was 

1 See Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 43, and Macdonald, Coin Types, 
pp. 190 f. 

2 On most other representations (e.g.) the gems in Botticher, 
Baumkultus, fig. 37 ; Furtwiingler, Antike Oemmen, PI. xxviii., 58) 
only one bird is to be seen ; on the Bolsena mirror (Mon. dell' Institute, 
xi., PI. 3. 1) there appear an owl and a woodpecker. 

3 Roman moneyers were very fond of "canting" types. See 
Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 188. 

4 Babelon, Monn. de la Rep. Romaine, ii., p. 336 ; by Mommsen- 
Blacas, ii., p. 503, the vase is also described as a milk-jug. 



about this time, it would seem, that the consuls lost 
the right of coinage within the city. Consequently 
the special board of magistrates, tresviri monetales, 
appointed from time to time when money was needed, 
naturally began to leave their mark on the coinage. 
We find first of all only symbols, then initials, then 
abbreviations of a less scanty kind, and finally a full 
indication of the moneyer's name. 

CIRCA 150 125 B.C. 

33. Obv. Head of Eoma r., wearing winged helmet; 

under chin, X ; behind, ROMA- 
Rev. Corinthian column, supporting a figure 
of L. Minucius Augurinus, resting on 
staff and holding ears of corn (?) ; from 
the capital hang bells ; at the base, lions' 
heads surmounted by ears of corn ; on 
r., M. Minucius Faesus standing, togate, 
holding a lituus; on 1., L. (or P.) 
Minucius Augurinus standing, togate, 
holding a dish and a loaf, his 1. foot 
resting on a corn measure ; 1 above, 

Silver denarius, 3-86 grammes (59'5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 136, 
No. 953. 

A. B. Cook, J. H. S. xxii., p. 19, describes him as clapping 
cymbals, with his foot on a ball. But his left hand and right hand 
hold the objects differently. 



The popular hero of the Mimicia gens was L. 
Minucius Augurinus, who as praefectus annonae in 
439 B.C., when there was a serious famine, obtained 
a supply of corn from abroad, and in three market 
days lowered the price of corn to a maximum of one 
as for a modius. The grateful people erected to him 
a brazen statue on a column outside the Porta 
Trigemina, everyone subscribing an uncia. 1 The 
column, with the statue on it, is represented on the 
coin. The two figures at the sides of the monument 
have been explained as other members of the family. 
The man on the right, holding the augur's wand, may 
then be M. Minucius Faesus, one of the first plebeian 
augurs to be elected after the passing of the lex 
Ogulnia in 300 B.C. 2 The man on the left may be 
either the praefectus annonae himself admiring his own 
monument or P. Minucius Augurinus, a still earlier 
public benefactor, who as consul in 492 B.C. relieved a 
famine by obtaining supplies from abroad. 3 But it is 
quite possible that the augur on the right is merely a 
canting allusion to the money er's cognomen, while 
the figure on the left may also have some allusive 
significance which escapes us. 

The ears of corn flanking the monument need no 

1 Plin. N. H. xviii. 4 ; xxxiv. 11. This, Pliny thinks, was perhaps 
the first honour of the kind conferred by the people, not by the 
Senate. Cp. Dion. Hal. TTC/H 7n/2ouAoiv, p. xxxvi, ed. 0. Mueller. 

2 Liv. x. 9. 

Liv. ii. 34. 



explanation. The lions' heads may be either purely 
ornamental or apotropaic ; less probably they were 
fountains. The bells are difficult to explain. It has 
been thought that they were used to announce the 
opening and closing of the corn market ; * but what 
possible market was held outside the Porta Trigemina, 
which led through the walls below the north-west slope 
of the Aventine, close to the Tiber ? Like the bells 
on the facade of the second temple of Jupiter 
Capitolinus, they were probably prophylactic, 2 though 
why they should be used here we cannot say. It is, 
however, significant that one of the most important 
rites performed by the augurs was augurare vineta 
virgetaque, apparently with the object of protecting 
the crops in general from damage by drought. 3 Bells 
may have played some part in this ceremony. 4 

This coin is attributed to the third quarter of the 
second century. A certain C. Minucius Augurinus, 

1 Babelon, ii., p. 228. 

2 A. B. Cook in J. H. S. t loc. cit. 

3 Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl., ii. 2329. 

4 The bells and the lions' heads recall the Dipon or Diwat, a granite 
pillar at Mahoba in India. " Its name is derived from the practice of 
placing a lamp, or dip, on its summit on stated occasions. But this 
certainly could not have been the original purpose of the pillar, as it 
is crowned with a broad, flat-topped capital, and does not possess a 
single receptacle for a lamp. It is a single shaft 18 ft. in height . . . 
the uppermost (portion) is ornamented with four chains, and bells 
suspended from four lions' heads immediately beneath the capital." 
Alex. Cunningham, Archceol. Survey of India, Reports, Vol. ii. (1871) 
p. 443. 



perhaps the moneyer's father, was tribune of the plebs 
in 187 B.C. The Ti. Minucius C. f. Augurinus, who a 
little later struck coins with a very similar representa- 
tion of the ancestral monument, was doubtless the son 
of our Caius. 

CIRCA 124103 B.C. 

34. Obv. Head of Eomar., in winged helmet; behind, 

flamen's apex ; under chin, X. 
Eev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
below, T Q and round Macedonian shield ; 
in exergue, ROMA. 

Silver denarius. 3'88 grammes (59'8 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 155, 
No. 1040. 

The moneyer who issued this denarius which is 
dated by some to a slightly earlier period must have 
been a descendant of T. Quinctius Flamininus, who 
won the battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C., since the 
letters T Q on the reverse, combined with the flamen's 
cap on the obverse, clearly represent a person of this 
name, while the Macedonian shield indicates a Mace- 
donian victory, as on the coins of M. CaeciliusMetellus. 1 

This being so, we can see a special significance in 
the use of the type of the Dioscuri here, for it was at 
this time no longer the ordinary type of the denarius^ 
and we know that the conqueror of Philip Y. made a 

1 Babelon, i., p. 269. 
H.R.C. 7 65 


special dedication to the Dioscuri at Delphi. The 
objects dedicated were silver bucklers (ao-mSas) and 
his own scutum (v kavrov flvpeoV). 1 The bucklers were 
doubtless Macedonian bucklers, one of which is 
represented on the coin under the figures of the Zyvos 

KpanrvoLari. yeyaflo'res iTnroavvaHTL Kopoi ? to whom it was 


Which of Flamininus' descendants issued this coin 
we do not know. It is usually ascribed to the one who 
became consul in 123 B.C., in which case it must have 
been issued some time before that date, since the office 
of moneyer was of comparatively low rank. The date 
here adopted on grounds of style is due to Count 
de Salis. 


35. Obv. Head of Roma r. in winged helmet ; under 

chin, X ; behind, LA EC A. 

Rev. Libertas, crowned by Victory, in fast quad- 
riga to r., holding cap of Liberty and 
sceptre; below, M-PORC; in exergue, 

Silver denarius. 3'98 grammes (61-5 grains). B.M.C. I,, p. 151, 
No. 1024. 

36. Obv. Head of Roma r. in winged helmet ; above, 

ROMA ; in front, X ; behind, P LA EC A 
(the AE in monogram). 

1 Pint. Titus, 12. 


Rev. A general wearing a cuirass and armed with, 
a sword, accompanied by a lictor holding 
in his right hand a long stake 1 or spear 
erect, in his left, two rods (the fasces). 
The general extends his hand over the 
head of a togate figure ; below, PROVOCO. 

Silver denarius. 3*90 grammes (60 f 2 grains). British Museum. 

37. Obv. Head of Koma r. in winged helmet ; behind, 

* and voting urn (sitella). 

Rev. Libertas in fast quadriga r., holding cap of 
Liberty and sceptre; below, C'CASSI ; 
in exergue, ROMA. 

Silver denarius. 3'89 grammes (60'0 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 153, 
No. 1033. 

38. Obv. Headof Vesta r.,veiled;behind,Q.CASSIVS; 

before, VEST. 

Rev. Circular temple of Vesta, surmounted by a 
figure of the goddess, holding sceptre and 
patera ; within, curule chair; on 1., urn 
(sitella) ; on r., tablet (sorticula) inscribed 

Silver denarius. 3*98 grammes (61*5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 482, 
No. 3871. 

39. Obv. Head of Vesta 1. veiled; behind, two- 

handled cup ; before, letter A. 

1 This suggestion is due to Mr. Stuart Jones, who thinks it may be 
meant for the stake to which criminals were tied for flogging. It is 
however very slight in form and might even be a long sword. 

F2 67 


Rev. A citizen, togate, dropping into a cista a 
tablet inscribed V; behind him, LONG IN 
1 1 IV. 

Silver denarius. 3 '89 grammes (60'0 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 494, 
No. 3929. 

The allusions on the reverses of Nos. 35, 36 are to 
an ancestor or ancestors of the moneyers, who carried 
the laws pro tergo civium, which were among the chief 
charters of the people's liberty. 1 Nothing is known 
of the moneyers themselves ; but the first coin and the 
third appear to belong to the same period, and that 
the end of the second century B.C. The second 
money er (No. 36) probably issued his coins from one 
of the local Italian mints about 90 B.C. His coin is 
supposed to allude to the extension of the right of 
provocatio even against military commanders : in the 
general is seen a provincial governor from whom the ius 
in capita civium was taken away by one of the three 
Porcian laws. The gesture of the general, then, is 
not one of protection, as we should naturally suppose. 

1 Liv. x. 9 ; Cic. pro. Rob. perd. 4 (12) ; cp. in Verr. ii., 5. 63 (163) ; 
de Rep. ii. 31 : leges Porciae, quae tres sunt trium Porciorum. The 
dates of these laws are uncertain ; one was before the time of the 
Gracchi, another was suggested by Cato the Elder (Festus s.v. Pro 
Scapulis). See Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 321. One of these Leges 
Porciae authorized appeal to the people from the holder of the military 
imperium; this was before 108 B.C., for a statement of Sallust 
(Bell. Jug. 69) proves that at that date the commander had the right 
against the Latins but not against the Eomans : Turpilius . . . iussus 
a Metello causam dicere, postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus 
rerberatusque capite poenas solvit ; nam is civis ex Latio erat, 



Of the three Cassian coins, No. 37 is generally 
attributed to C. Cassius Longinus, son of L. Cassius 
Longinus Ka villa. No. 38 is given to Q. Cassius 
Longinus, quaestor to Pompeius in Spain in 54 B.C., 
and notorious for his harsh treatment of the pro- 
vincials. His coinage probably dates from about 
58 B.C. The third, No. 39, probably belongs to 
L. Cassius Longinus, who seems to have been 
triumvir of the mint about 52 B.C. 

It was Eavilla who, in 137 B.C., as tribune of the 
plebs, carried the second lex tabellaria, extending the 
process of voting by ballot to the public tribunals ; it 
had been introduced two years before for the elections 
of magistrates. He it was also who, when the deci- 
sion of the Pontifex, Lucius Metellus, in the trial of 
the Vestal Virgins in 113 B.C., was regarded as too 
lenient, was appointed president of the commission to 
re-hear the case. The lex labellaria was one of the 
most popular of democratic measures, and Eavilla was 
therefore regarded as an especial champion of liberty. 
That is why Libertas figures on the coinage of his 
son. 1 The voting urn on the obverse, however, refers 
not to this reform, but to Ea villa's action in the affair 
of the Vestals. The same is the case with the urn and 
the voting tablet with the letters AC (absolvo, condemno) 

1 C. Cassius must have been money er at the latest about 104 B.C. 
(he was consul in 96), so that the events alluded to on his coins were 
very recent. 



on the coin of Q. Cassius (No. 38) ; and the curule 
chair within the temple is the chair of the judge. 
The method of voting, by placing tablets indicating 
acquittal or condemnation in an urn, was employed in 
quaestiones, such as that which was concerned with 
the Yestals. Eut in the comitia, when the people 
were voting on a rogation, the tablets bore or indi- 
cated the words antiquo and uti rogas. Mommsen 
adds 1 that in the comitia the tablets were placed not 
in an urn, but in a cista or box ; and this method is 
illustrated on the coin of L. Cassius Longinus(No. 39). 
Here is a citizen voting, according to the lex tabellaria 
of Cassius Ea villa ; and in favour of the proposal 
before the comitia, since his tablet bears the letter V 
for uti rogas. 

lOfi OR 105 B.C. 

40. Obv. Bust of Diana r., wearing stephane, with 
crescent above ; behind, lituus ; in front, 

Eev. Sulla seated 1. on a platform; before him, 
kneeling r., Bocchus holding up an olive 
branch ; behind him, Jugurtha kneeling 1., 
his hands tied behind his back ; above, on 
r., FELIX. 

Silver denarius. 3'87 grammes (59'7 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 471, 
No. 3824. 

1 Mommsen -Blacas, ii., p. 504, note. 



This coin was struck, probably about 62 B.C., by 
Faustus Cornelius Sulla, son of the dictator by his 
fourth wife, Caecilia Metella. The story of the 
capture of Jugurtha is in all the history books. The 
interest of the type is that it probably reproduces more 
or less exactly the subject of a seal ring which Sulla, 
in his pride, had made for himself, and used con- 
stantly, much to the irritation of Marius. 1 Bocchus 
himself also dedicated in the temple of Capitoline 
Jupiter some figures of Victory bearing trophies and 
beside them a group in gold of the handing over of 
Jugurtha to Sulla. 2 The head of Diana on the obverse 
of our coin alludes to the dictator's especial cult of 
the goddess, 3 the lituus to his augurship. 

The dictator is identified by the title FELIX, a 
title which he did not finally adopt until after the 
death of the younger Marius. 4 Faustus, therefore, on 
his coin commits a " chronological error " like that of 
which some critics have complained in connexion with 
the coins of M. Aemilius Lepidus. 5 

1 Plut. Sulla, 3: ty Stfj ypa^ BOK X OS /xev TrapaStSovs, 2v'AAas Se 
7ra/3aA.a/x,/3ava>j/ TOV 'loyopOav. Id. Mar. 10 ; Praec. ger. rerp. xii. ; 
Plin. N. H. xxxvii. 4. 9 ; Val. Max. viii. 14. 4 (Ram.}. 

2 Plut. Mar. 32 ; Sulla, 6. 

3 Veil. Paterc. ii. 25 : privileges granted after Sulla's victory over 
Norbanus to the shrine of Diana Tifatina near Capua. See also the 
inscriptions cited by Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyd. v. 327. 

4 Veil. Paterc. ii. 27. 
6 See supra, p. 53. 



104101 B.C. 

41. Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate ; behind, C- 

EGN ATVLEI-C-F ; below, Q (NAT and VL 

Eev. Victory standing 1., writing on oval shield, 
which is fastened to a trophy, on which 
are a helmet with bull's horns, cuirass and 
spear ; at the foot of the trophy is a war 
trumpet (karnyx) ; in the field, Q ; in the 
exergue, ROMA. 

Silver quinarius. 1'85 grammes (28'5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 165, 
No. 1077. 

42. Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate ; under chin, -B- 
Eev. Victory standing r., holding palm branch 

and wreath which she is about to place on 
trophy ; at foot of trophy, a seated captive 
and a karnyx; in field, downwards, T* 
CLOVLI (VL ligatured) ; in exergue, Q. 

Silver quinarius. 1-83 grammes (28-3 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 168, 
No. 1105. 

The quinarius had fallen into disuse before the end 
of the third century ; it was revived by the lex Clodia. 
Pliny tells us : 1 Is qui nunc victoriatus appellatur lege 
Clodia percussus est. antea enim hie nummus ex 
Illyrico advectus mercis loco habebatur. est autem 

1 N. H. xxxiii. 3. 46. 


signatus Victoria et inde nomen. These victoriati 
were not the coins originally so-called, but new 
quinarii with somewhat similar types. Pliny's remark 
about Illyricum is generally admitted to be a blunder. 
He confounds the Eoman victoriate with the Illyrian 
coin of the same value. 1 

The date of the lex Clodia is conjectural. Quinarii 
of the new sort were struck by M. Cato, who died in 
91 B.C., and the similar pieces of T. Cloulius (No. 42), 
C. Fundanius, C. Egnatuleius (No. 41), and P. 
Sabinus are older still. 2 The law is generally 
assigned to about 104 B.C. The coins with which we 
are at present concerned doubtless belong to the 
period immediately following the enactment, for there 
are none older in style. The types of the reverses 
evidently allude to a victory over some northern 
barbarians, since the horned helmet, 3 the shield, and 
the war trumpet are of northern, apparently Keltic, 
type ; the last being particularly associated with the 
Kelts. The barbarians in question can hardly be 
other than some of those defeated by Marius at Aquae 
Sextiae or at Yercellae. At the former battle the 
tribes concerned were the Teutons generally re- 
garded as Germans and the Ambrones, a Gallic 
tribe. The Cimbri, who were crushed at Vercellae, 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 87, note 2. 

2 Id. ii., p. 101. 

3 See Mowat in Gazette archeologique, 1887, p. 130. 



have been claimed both as Kelts and as Germans ; 
among the ancients the evidence of most of the earlier 
writers is in favour of their Keltic origin, while later 
authors (who knew the Germans better) called them 
Germans. Eut even if the Cimbri were Germans, we 
know so little about German armour at this date 
that it would be rash to deny that the Cimbri may 
have employed armour and trumpets such as are repre- 
sented on our coins. It is therefore impossible to 
determine whether the reference is to a victory over 
any one particular tribe ; and, indeed, it is most 
reasonable to assume that the reference is quite 
general to the victories over the northern barbarians ; 
accuracy in distinguishing the armour of the various 
foes of Borne is hardly to be demanded of a die 
engraver. De Salis assigned the coins to the years 
102 and 101 ; the latter date seems on the whole the 
more probable. 

The letter Q is generally explained as a mark of 
value (for quinarius). The value of this coin, it must 
be remembered, was now 8 asses, and could no longer 
be strictly expressed by V, as on the earliest issue. 
Had the Q only occurred on the obverse, in close 

connexion with the name of the moneyer as a 

matter of fact it is separated from the name we 

should have been justified in explaining it as 
Quaestor, 1 and in supposing that Egnatuleius, for 

1 So Lenormant, La Monn. dans Vant. ii., p. 293. 



instance, was one of Harms' s quaestors, who struck 
coins for use in the Gallic war. But the nearly, if not 
quite, contemporary quinarii of T. Cloulius all have 
Q on the reverse only, and on the obverse a series of 
letters differentiating the various issues. 

These letters are a striking proof of the enormous 
quantity of dies which must have been used, for it 
appears that each letter marks a different die. That 
is to say, it is not to be supposed that, after a number 
of coins had been struck from a die bearing the letter 
B, that letter was erased and another engraved on the 
same die. A complete new die, marked with the next 
letter, C, was engraved. There are three series of 
these letters in the coinage of Cloulius, according as 
the letters are placed behind, below, or in front of the 
neck of Jupiter ; in each series the whole alphabet is 
represented ; and finally, the varieties are multiplied 
by placing dots at the sides of, below or above the 
letters. In the British Museum Catalogue alone Mr. 
Grueber enumerates 33 varieties of this quinarius 


43. Obv. Head, r., of C. Coelius Caldus ; behind, a 
tablet with the letters L. D. ; inscr. 



Eev. Head of Sol r., radiate ; in front, circular 
shield ; behind, oblong shield with 
thunderbolt device; inscr. CALDVS, 

Silver deram'wa. 3-97 grammes (61 '3 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 474, 
No. 3833. 

44. Obv. Similar head and inscription; behind, a 
vexillum inscribed HIS; in front, a 
standard in the form of a boar. 
Eev. An epulo preparing a lectisternium ; at 
either end of the couch, a trophy, one 
with circular, the other with oblong 
shield; inscr. L-CALDVS VII'VIR'EPVL- 
VI R (various ligatures). 

Silver denarius. 4'15 grammes (64-1 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 475, 
No. 387. 

The descendants of C. Coelius Caldus were extremely 
proud of their ancestor, the homo novus to whom the 
honourable position of the family in the last century 
of the Eepublic was due. These coins were struck 
by C. Coelius Caldus, his grandson ; their precise date 
is uncertain, some (as Mommsen) giving them to 
about 54 B.C., while de Salis prefers 61 B.C. The 
moneyer, as one of the monetary triumvirate, signs 
his coins Caldus Illvir. 

The elder C. Coelius Caldus was tribune of the 
plebs in 106 B.C. In this capacity he impeached 


C. Popilius Laenas, who, when the consul Cassius 
Longinus, the year before, had been defeated and 
killed by the Tigurini, came to terms with the enemy 
and brought off the army, with the loss of their 
baggage and their honour. In order to secure a con- 
viction, Coelius passed his lex tdbellaria, introducing 
the method of voting by tablets into the court of 
perduellioj from which it had hitherto been excluded 
doluitque, says Cicero (de Leg. iii. 16. 36), 
quoad vixit se ut opprimeret C. Popilium nocuisse 
rei publicae. The tablet behind the head of 
Coelius on No. 43 bears the initials of the words 
Libero, Damno. Coelius was praetor in Hispania 
Citerior about 99, 1 and it is to his achievements in 
this province that the vexillum with the inscription 
HlS(pania) and the Keltic boar standard refer. The 
same reference is, according to some authorities, also 
intended by the shields on the reverse of No. 43 and 
on the trophies on the reverse of No. 44. The head 
of the Sun would then perhaps be used in allusion to 
the names of the family. 2 Still, Borghesi's sugges- 
tion that it refers rather to some victory won by a 
member of the family in the East is tempting. For 
we find one C. Coelius C.f. (i.e., either the founder of 
the family or his son) mentioned in the so-called 

1 See Wilsdorf in Leipxiger Studien, i., p. 110. 

2 As Vaillant puts it (Num. ant. fam. Rom. i., p. 292; cp. Eckhel, 
Num. vet. v., p. 176) : quod sol in coelo videatur et caldus sit. 



Senatus consultum Adramyttenum as a Senator of 
praetorian rank. 1 In the latter case, the circular 
shield, if not the oblong one, may well represent an 
Eastern enemy. 

The lectisternium type (No. 44) 2 commemorates 
L. Coelius Caldus, probably a younger son of the 
elder Caius, and father of the money er. He was 
septemvir epulonum, and it is probably he who is 
represented preparing the lectum, on which the gods 
were supposed to recline at the repast offered to them. 
A third member of the money er's family, probably 
his uncle, is the C. Caldus mentioned on the same 
coin as Imp(erator) A(ugur) X(vir sacris faciundis). 
It is to be noted that the name and titles of this 
member of the family are written close to the trophies, 
thus confirming the suggestion that the trophies (and 
the corresponding shields on the reverse of No. 43) 
refer not to the Spanish victories of the elder 
C. Coelius Caldus, but to some exploits of the money er's 
uncle of the same name. These exploits, as we have 
seen, may have been partly in the East. 

1 The date of the inscription is uncertain : Mommsen (Eph. Epigr. 
iv., pp. 216 f. ; Staatar. in., 986 note), supported by Foucart (Bull. 
Corr. Hellen. ix. 401), gives it to 122120 B.C.; Viereck (Sermo 
Graecus, pp. 22 f.), following Willems, prefers 98 94 B.C., on the 
ground of its containing this very name, C. Coelius Caldus. 

2 If the curved object attached to the trophy with the oblong shield 
is a karnyx, and not a lituus militaris, then this trophy must refer to 
a victory over Gauls or Celtiberians. But, even so, the trophy with 
the round shield may still be Eastern. 



100 B.C. 

45. Obv. Head of Saturn r., laureate ; behind, a ser- 
rated sickle; around, PISO.CAEriO.Q; 
below, a trident. 

Rev. L. Calpurnius Piso and Q. Servilius Caepio 
seated on a bench, at each end of which 
is an ear of corn ; in exergue, AD.FRV. 

Silver denarius. 3*76 grammes (58'0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 170, 
No. 1127. 

The author of the Ehetorica ad Herennium (I. xii. 21) 
takes as an instance of a legitimate issue arising 
out of a definition, the question whether Q. Caepio 1 
violated the majesty of the Eoman people when he 
prevented the tribune Saturninus from carrying his 
corn law. He was quaestor urbanus at the time, and 
when L. Appuleius Saturninus proposed his lex fru- 
mentaria de semissibus et trientibus, by which the state 
was to let the people buy corn at a semis and a triens 
(i.e., f of an as) for a modius, he urged that such a dole 
would break the treasury. The Senate decreed that 
the measure proposed was unconstitutional. Satur- 
ninus defied the veto of his colleagues ; Caepio 

1 Probably the son of the Q. Caepio who was responsible for the 
disaster of Arausio in 105, and in whose condemnation Saturninus took 
a leading part. 



thereupon broke up the comitia and for the time 
prevented the law being carried ; hence the charge 
brought against him. It appears from Appian 
(B. C. i. 30) that Caepio's interference was fruitless, 
since the Marian veterans, who swarmed in the city, 
in their turn drove Caepio's "viri boni" from the 
forum, the voting was resumed, and the Appuleian 
law was passed. 

Saturninus's proposal reduced the price of corn 
per bushel from 6 asses to the nominal sum of as. 
Numismatic writers have generally assumed that the 
lex frumentaria was not carried, but that the Senate 
found it necessary to soothe the populace with a dole, 
and that they accordingly instructed the quaestors to 
buy corn largely, and decreed an appropriation from 
the treasury to this end. It would follow that these 
coins were struck EX S(enatus) C(onsulto) AD FRV 
(mentum) EMV(ndum). 

As a matter of fact, we know that the Senate (with 
the single exception of the stalwart Metellus Numi- 
dicus) took the oath to observe the terms of the new 
law. The obvious consequence seems to be that they 
must have instructed the quaestors to act in accordance 
with the law, and procure the necessary corn. The 
coins must therefore have been struck in order to 
enable the quaestors to carry out the provisions, not of 
some Senatus Consultum of which we have no other 
record, but of the lex frumentaria of Saturninus. 

PL. X 



Nos. 28 45. 


The phrase EX S-C on the coins refers to the order of 
the Senate for their issue, not to the order for the 
purchase of corn; i.e., it is to be construed not with 
emundum, but with words meaning " coin struck " 
understood. 1 

The head of the harvest god Saturn, with the 
sickle, 2 shown on the obverse, and the ears of corn on 
the reverse, are obviously appropriate to the occasion. 
But the primary reason for the use of the obverse 
type was that the aerarium populi Romani which, 
subject to the sanction of the Senate, provided the 
urban quaestors with the funds for this expenditure, 
was situated in the Temple of Saturn below the 

The trident is a mark to distinguish this particular 
issue from others, which have an arrow, a bow, etc. 
Such distinguishing marks do not occur before this 
date. The substitution for Eoma of another deity, 
on the obverse, is also an innovation. 

Caepio's colleague appears to be L. Calpurnius Piso 
Caesoninus, son of the consul of 112, and father of 
Cicero's enemy, the consul of 58. 

1 Did it refer to the decree for the purchase of the corn, as some 
suppose (Mommsen-Blacas ii., p. 168), the order of the words should 
be AD FEV.EX. S.C. EMV. 

a The form of the sickle is interesting, inasmuch as it corresponds 
to the toothed form described by Hesiod (Theog. 175: icapxapooW) ; 
whereas ordinarily the attribute of the god resembles the harpa of 
Perseus. See Daremberg and Saglio, Diet. Ant. ii., p. 971. 

H.R.O. G 81 


90 B.C. 

46. Obv. Head of Magna Mater r., wearing turreted 

crown and veil ; behind, EX-A'PV. 
Rev. Victory in a two-horse chariot r. ; before 
the horses, a bird ; under them, C 1 , and 
C-FABI* OF- in exergue. 

Silver ctewanw*. 4'01 grammes (61-9 grains). B.M.O. L, p. 223, 
No. 1596. 

47. Obv. Head of Eoma r., helmeted ; behind, PV ; 

all in laurel wreath. 

Eev. Victory in a two-horse chariot r. ; inscr., 

Silver denarius (edge serrated). 3 '95 grammes (61 '0 grains). B.M.O. 
I., p. 224, No. 1613. 

It is probable that, in the earlier period of the 
Eoman coinage, all new issues in Eome only took 
place in accordance with a special decree of the 
Senate. But after the constitution of the monetary 
magistracy of the tresviri aere argento auro flando 
feriundo, and even before this had become a regular 
magistracy, rather than a commission appointed from 
time to time as necessity demanded, no such special 
decree of the Senate was needed, the issues being 
made by the moneyers in virtue of their office. The 
definitive constitution of the magistracy is placed by 
Mommsen 1 between 104 and 89 B.C. It is just about 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., pp. 47 f. 



this time that formulae like EX 8.C., S.C., AEG(ento) 
PVB(lico), EX A(rgento) P(ublico), PV(blice), etc., 
occur most frequently. 1 These phrases indicate special 
issues which were made in accordance with special 
decrees either of the Senate or of the people, and not 
by the tresviri in ordinary course. But what exactly 
is meant by saying that the coins were issued ex 
argento publico ? Naturally, the bullion from which all 
coins were issued by the State must have been public 
property. We are, it seems, compelled to assume that 
a reserve of silver in bars 2 was kept in the public 
treasury (which continued to be known as the aerarium 
populi Eomani long after bronze ceased to be stored 
there) ; 3 that this reserve was known especially as the 
argentum publicum ; and that when in an emergency 
this reserve had to be converted into coin the source 
of the metal was indicated in the manner described. 

The coins Nos. 46, 47, are dated by external 
evidence (as of hoards in which they occur) to about 
90 B.C., and there can be no doubt that the special 
circumstances which occasioned the issue of which 

1 For more exact dates, see Mommsen-Blacas, ii., pp. 168, 169. 

2 Pliny (N. H. xxxiii. 3. 55) quoting an inventory of the treasury 
in . . . B.C., gives the amounts of gold and silver, and of silver cash 
(numeratum) separately. He also quotes an inventory of the beginning 
of the Social War, but the text is injured. It is possible that the 
occurrence on the coins of the phrase we are discussing, and Pliny's 
record of an inventory made about the time these coins were struck, 
are to be connected, and point to some special measures then taken 
with regard to the treasury (cp. Mommsen-Blacas, ii. p. 407 note). 

8 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 72. 

02 83 


they formed part are to be looked for in the Social 
War. The denarii of C. Fabius fall into two groups, 
both having the same types. In one group, which is 
without the inscription EX A. PV-, the various series 
are distinguished by Greek letters on the obverse ; in 
the other, which has the inscription just mentioned, 
the distinguishing letters are Latin, and are placed on 
the reverse. We may infer that the former group 
was struck first, and the latter only when it became 
necessary to encroach on the reserve. 

Nothing is known of the money ers C. Fabius and 
M. Lucilius Eufus. The bird on the reverse of 
C. Fabius 's denarii has been described as a buteo, 
because that word was used as a cognomen by some 
members of the Fabia gens ; but the buteo was prob- 
ably a bird of prey, whereas the creature shown on the 
coins resembles an ibis or some other long-legged bird. 
The choice of the Magna Mater for representation on 
the obverse has probably no historical reason, and we 
may assume that Fabius selected it on private grounds. 
The serrated edge seen on the coin of Lucilius 1 is a 
feature which occurs on Eoman silver coins exception- 
ally in the second century B.C., and commonly from 92 
to 70 B.C. The Eomans were preceded in this fashion 
in the years about 200 B.C. by the Carthaginians, by 
Antiochus III. of Syria, and by Philip Y. of Macedon ; 

1 The notches are not so clearly marked as usual on the specimen 



the last two use the fashion on bronze coins, the 
Carthaginians on gold and silver. No explanation 
of the practice presenting the slightest degree of 
probability has yet been offered. 1 

9081 B.C. 

48. Obv. Head of Italia r., helmeted; behind, a 

wreath; below, [*] ITALIA. 
Eev. The Dioscuri on horseback ; in exergue, in 
Oscan letters, retrograde, c paapi c 

Silver denarius. 4' 11 grammes (63'5 grains). British Museum. 

49. Obv. Head of a Bacchante r., wreathed with ivy ; 

in front, in Oscan letters, retrograde, 
mutil embratur. 

Eev. Bull goring wolf ; in exergue, in Oscan 
letters, retrograde, c paapi. 

Silver denarius. 3*82 grammes (59'0 grains). British Museum. 

50. Obv. Female head r., laureate ; behind, ITALIA. 
Rev. Young man kneeling, holding a pig, which eight 

warriors touch with the points of their 
swords; in the background, a standard 
upright, in exergue, Q..SILO- 

Silver denarius. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 

51. Obv. Head of a Bacchante r., wearing ivy 


1 See the various theories in B.M.C., I., p. 159. 



Rev. Cista mystica, with thyrsos, to which a fillet 
is attached, leaning against it ; on the 
cista, a fawn skin ; in the exergue, in 
Oscan letters, retrograde, mi ieiis mi. 

Aureus, 8 '47 grammes (130*7 grains). Bibliotheque Nationale, 

52. Obv. Helmeted female head (Italia), crowned 
with wreath by a small figure of Victory 
from behind. 

Rev. Two warriors clasping hands ; on the right, 
prow of a galley, on which are a standard, 
spears and shields ; in exergue, y\- 

Silver denarius. Berlin Museum. 

These five coins, of which three are unique 
specimens at Paris or Berlin, are selected from the 
numerous varieties issued by the Allies during the 
Social War. The names of both the Marsian Q. 
Pompaedius Silo and the Samnite C. Papius Mutilus 
appear. The latter describes himself as " Caius Papius, 
son of Caius, Mutilus, Imperator." The gold coin is 
issued by Minius leius (legius ?), son of Minius. 

There was no more effective expression of the 
Allies' defiance of Roman authority than the issue of 
a coin in gold. The weight of the piece is that of an 
Attic stater. Now just about this time Mithradates, 
with whom the Allies were in communication, was 
issuing gold coins on the same standard, in defiance 
of the Romans, at Pergamum, Athens, and Ephesus. 


The types chosen by the Allies are also significant. 
Thus Italia not the country, but the city of Corfinium, 
which was thus named during the war as destined to 
be the new capital is represented, either by a 
laureate female head, or by a helmeted head copied 
directly from the Roma on Roman denarii. The 
much-desired defeat of Rome by the Allies is sym- 
bolized by the Italic bull goring the Roman wolf. 

The alliance with Mithradates is alluded to by the 
type of two warriors joining hands. One of them 
wears a diadem, while the prow of a ship indicating 
the fleet with which Mithradates was to descend upon 
Italy is seen beside them ; on the obverse of this 
coin, the helmeted bust of Italia is crowned by 
Yictory with a wreath. 1 

The scene of the warriors taking an oath over the 
body of a pig has been explained as an allusion to the 
treaty of the Caudine Forks. It is more probable 
that it represents merely the oath taken by the Allies 
to be faithful to each other against Rome. A similar 
ceremony (with only two warriors) is shown, as we 

1 Cavedoni and Lenormant (La Monn. dans VAntiquite, ii., pp. 296 f) 
consider that this piece was struck by the remnant of the revolted 
Allies to celebrate the disembarkation of Harms on his return from 
Africa, when the democratic party in Rome had made common cause 
with the Allies. The type would appear to have been copied by Sulla 
to celebrate his disembarkation at Brundusium in 83 B.C. after 
conquering Mithradates ; but one would like to be sure of the authen- 
ticity of the Sullan coin, which was published in the eighteenth century, 
and of which no specimen is now known to exist. 



have seen, on the earliest Eoman gold coinage (No. 11). 
It is also found on the denarii struck by Tiberius 
Veturius in 92 B.C. There, because T. Yeturius 
Calvinus was one of the two consuls who concluded 
the treaty of the Caudine Forks, the type has been 
regarded as alluding to that disgraceful event. If so, 
it would be unique among the memorial types found 
on Eoman coins ; and it is surely singularly perverse 
to accept such an interpretation when the type may 
equally well refer to the treaty (also concluded by 
T. Veturius) giving the Campanians and Samnites the 
rights of citizenship in 334 B.C. It seems more 
reasonable, therefore, to regard none of these treaty 
types as alluding to the Caudine Forks ; although, 
if any of them do so allude, it is the one placed by 
the Allies on their coins, rather than either of the 

The significance of the Dionysiac types is obscure. 
But they may have been partly inspired by the fact 
that Mithradates posed as the "New Dionysos," the 
liberator ; on his own coins he uses an ivy wreath as 
a border. 

The coins with the names of Papius Mutilus and 
Pompaedius Silo were probably, as Mommsen points 
out, struck early in the war; for Mutilus seems to 
have disappeared from the scene after he was defeated 
by Sulla in 89 B.C., although he lived some time 
longer. Silo died in 88 B.C. " The greater number 


of these coins, and especially those which bear the 
legend Italia or Viteliu, must have been struck during 
the first years of the Social War, when the insurgents 
still hoped to found a capital which would rival 
Home. On the other hand, the rarer coins, bearing 
the names of Sabine or Samnite chiefs, are of later 
date, and were struck when Samnium continued to 
bear alone the burden of the war, and was fighting 
simply for her own independence." 1 

89 B.C. 

53. Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate ; behind, PISO- 
Rev. Eiderless horse galloping r. ; below, FRVGI ; 

above, E.L.P. 

Silver sestertius. 0'95 grammes (14-7 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 280, 
No. 2177. 

54. Obv. Head of Minerva r., helmeted; [behind, 

Rev. Prow r. ; above, L.P.D-A.P- 

Bronze triens. 4'41 grammes (68'0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 282, 
No. 2192. 

By the Lex Papiria (generally but without good 
reason called the Lex Plautia Papiria), says Pliny, 2 
semunciarii asses facti; the weight of the as was 
reduced to half an ounce (normally 13-64 grammes or 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 424, note. 

2 N. H. xxxiii. 3. 46. 



210*5 grains). The author of the law was C. Papirius 
Carbo, tribune of the people in 89 B.C., who, along 
with M. Plautius Silvanus, carried the famous Lex 
Plautia Papiria extending the citizenship. This was 
probably passed quite early in 89 B.C., if not at the 
close of 90 B.C.; 1 the law with which we are con- 
cerned was intimately connected with the policy of 
extending the franchise, and therefore was also doubt- 
less passed early in the tribunate of Papirius. In a 
considerable number of cities in Italy, long before the 
passing of this law, bronze struck on the semuncial 
standard was in use : e.g., in Calabria, at Brundu- 
sium, Orra, and Uxentum ; in Lucania, at Copia ; in 
Bruttium, at Yibo Yalentia and Petelia. Bronze had 
by this time already become a mere token coinage. 
The money of the cities which were now incorporated 
in the Eoman state, and which therefore lost their 
right of coinage, might have been called in, or tariffed 
at some arbitrary rate ; but what Papirius did was to 
reduce the legal weight of the Koman as to the weight 
prevailing elsewhere. 2 Very soon afterwards 3 even the 
Eoman mint was closed for bronze, and Italy once the 
home of the bronze standard presents the curious 4 

1 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. Vol. iii., p. 247, note. 

2 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 73, note. 

3 About 80 B.C. 

4 Curious, that is to say, at so late a date in history ; for previous 
to the fourth century B.C. little bronze was coined in the ancient 



spectacle of a country without a bronze coinage, for 
the few coins which Paestum was for some reason 
allowed to issue can have made little impression on 
the currency. 

The letters E L P- on the sesterce No. 53 have been 
rightly expanded by Borghesi into E Lege Papiria ; 
and the letters L P D A P explained by Mommsen 1 as 
Lege Papiria de acre puUico, by Gaebler 2 as Lege 
Papiria de assis pondere. Of these explanations, 
Mommsen's is more strongly supported by the analogy 
of other inscriptions. 

The sesterce was issued only twice, the quinarius 
only four times, in the forty } years following the 
Papirian reform, so that the Eoman coinage thence- 
forward consisted of little but denarii. L. Calpurnius 
Piso Frugi himself was responsible, about 88 B.C., for 
an enormous series of denarii, probably the largest 
ever put out by any one moneyer during the Eepublic. 3 
During the short period 49 44 B.C., small silver 
was once more issued in some quantities. But 
how the Eomans and Italians can have been 
content for some 65 years (the bronze coinage 
was resumed in 15 B.C.) to dispense with the use 
of bronze, it is puzzling to conceive. 

L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi is Cicero's friend. It 

1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 420, note. 

2 Zeit.f. Num. 1902, p. 174, note. 

8 The British Museum contains over 270 varieties. 



was probably he who, after the end of the Social 
War, carried the law embodying two new tribes, and 
who was praetor with Yerres in 74 B.C. The Apollo 
and the horse on his coins refer to the races celebrated 
at the Ludi Apollinares. These were inaugurated in 
212 B.C., and the annual celebration was established 
next year by Piso's ancestor, C. Calpurnius Piso, 
praetor urbanus. 


8784 B.C. 
55. Obv. Head of Yenus r. ; before it, Cupid standing, 

holding palm branch ; below, LSVLLA- 
Rev. Sacrificial ewer and lituus between two 
trophies ; above and below, IMPER 
Aureus. 10'72 grammes (165*4 grains). British Museum. 

This aureus is one of the earliest specimens of that 
gold coinage, issued by generals in virtue of their 
imperium, which eventually developed into the gold 
coinage of the Empire. Gold issues of this kind were 
at the time quite outside the province of the ordinary 
Roman civil moneyer. Apart from that fact, the 
fabric of the coin proves that it was not produced by 
the mint at Eome. There is general agreement 
among numismatists that it should be assigned to the 
period of Sulla's campaign against Mithradates. 
During this campaign his quaestor Lucullus issued 


money in Peloponnesus : At' e/<eu>ov e/coV^ ro TrAeioroi; cv 
ITeAoTroiWJa-a) ircpl TOV MiOptbaTLKov Tro'Ae/xoy, /cat AouKovAAaov 
an' Kivov TTpo(rr]yopv0r], KOL 5tereAeo-ei> eTrt irXflcrrov, VTTO r&v 

the military necessities of the situation caused it to 
change hands rapidly and to remain long in circula- 
tion. Sulla, as is well known, laid all the great 
temple treasuries of Greece under contribution 
Olympia, Delphi, and Epidaurus were plundered 
to pay the expenses of his army. Further, after the 
peace with Mithradates, he levied an indemnity of 
20,000 talents on the province of Asia, and this also 
Lucullus had to convert into coin. 2 It is well known, 
as we have seen (p. 42), that in such periods of 
hasty coinage the metal used is more often gold than 
silver, since gold was the metal which the plundered 
treasuries afforded more plentifully. Signs of haste 
are evident in the rude workmanship of these Lucullan 

Sulla's idea that he was the favourite of Venus 8 
accounts for the representation of her head and of 
Cupid on his coins. But the palm branch which 
Cupid holds is the symbol of victory in war. The 
sacrificial ewer and lituus are indications of priestly 
office. The two trophies have been explained by 

1 Plut. Lucull. 2. 

2 Ibid. 4. See F. Lenonnant, La Monnaie dans VAntiquite, ii., 
p. 295. 

3 Plut. Sulla, 34. 



Lenormant as referring to the two salutations as 
imperator received by Sulla one in Italy, during the 
Social War, the other in Greece after his first successes 
there. Yon Sallet, however, with much more proba- 
bility, explains them as trophies of the two victories 
at Chaeroneia and Orchomenus over Archelaus, the 
general of Mithradates, in 86 and 85 B.C. 1 The aureus 
must therefore date from the year 85 at the earliest. 

The weight of Sulla's first aureus is about -^ 
of the Eoman pound (its normal weight should 
be 10-915 grammes). Later aurei were struck 
at ^g- (Sulla and Pompeius), -$ (Caesar), and -% 
(Augustus), and so on in regular decrease to the time 
of Constantine. 

81 B.C. 

56. Obv. Head of Africa in elephant-skin head- 
dress between ewer and lituus; behind, 
MAGNVS; all in wreath. 

Rev. A triumphal quadriga containing a person 
holding a palm branch and crowned by a 
flying Victory ; on one of the horses, a 
boy holding a palm branch and wand ; in 
exergue, PRO COS 

Aureus. 8-93 grammes (137'8 grains). British Museum. 

Zeit. f. Num. xii., p. 381. These same trophies occur on a 
contemporary tetradrachm with Athenian types evidently struck by 
Sulla in Greece (B.M.C. Attica, p. Iv). 



Pompeius, having in 82 B.C. as propraetor recovered 
Sicily, proceeded in the next year to Africa, in order 
to deal with Domitius Ahenobarbus and Hiarbas, the 
usurper of the Numidian throne. His victory was 
easy. The events which followed are well known : 
the attempt of the Senate to disband his army, and to 
baulk him of his triumph, which, as a matter of fact, 
being an extraordinary magistrate, he could not con- 
stitutionally claim ; his protest, and Sulla's concession. 
When Pompeius returned to Eome, Sulla greeted him 
as " Magnus.' 7 That title had already been given 
him by his troops in Africa, 1 and Sulla was wise 
enough to defer to their opinion. So Pompeius, who 
was only 24 years old, and not yet even a senator, 
triumphed : eques Eomanus, id quod antea nemo, 
curru triumphali revectus. 2 

This aureus undoubtedly refers to a triumph, which 
the head of Africa on the obverse identifies, with a 
strong degree of probability, as the triumph after the 
African victories. 3 But where and when was the coin 
struck ? Not in Eome, for gold coins like this were 
issued by military commanders, in virtue of their 

1 See Plutarch, Pomp. 13. 

2 Plin. N.H. vii. 96 ; Liv. Ep. Ixxxix. Cp. Licinian. Gran. p. 39 : 
et Pompeius annos natus xxv. eques Eomanus, quod nemo antea, pro- 
praetore ex Africa triumphavit iiii. idus Martias. 

3 So Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 456, note. But it is straining a point to 
argue that the head of Africa also alludes to Pompeius' grand elephant 
hunt or to his idea of triumphing in a car drawn by elephants. 



imperium, and only outside the city. Probably in 
Spain, whither Pompeius proceeded in 77 B.C. as pro- 
consul. This accords with the inscription on the 
coin. Mommsen, it is true, associating the inscrip- 
tion directly with the African triumph, has some 
difficulty in explaining the title PROCOS. He notes 
that (according to Licinianus) Pompeius, on his return 
from Africa, triumphed with the title pro praetor e ; 
but he explains that between this title and that of 
pro consule there is a distinction only of rank, not of 
authority. Pompeius, having been despatched to 
Sicily and Africa with an extraordinary imperium, 
without holding or having held any magistracy, 
might well have assumed the title pro consule in 
Africa, and triumphed as pro praetore in Eome ! 
" Tout le reste s'explique facilement." The extreme 
subtlety of such an explanation becomes entirely 
unnecessary if we suppose that the coin was issued 
when Pompeius was actually proconsul, but before 
the glory of his African triumph had been dimmed 
by greater exploits. That was the case when he was 
fighting Sertorius in Spain from 76 to 72 B.C. The 
circumstances of the campaign might very naturally 
demand the issue of a military coinage in gold such 
as we have before us. 

Other dates which have been suggested for the coin 
are 71 B.C. (the Spanish triumph) and 61 B.C. (the 
Asian triumph). In considering these alternatives 


we have always to remember that the gold coins 
must have been issued in some province, not in 
Eome. Therefore they cannot have been produced 
actually on the occasion of the triumph to which 
they refer ; 1 since in order to triumph Pompeius 
had to be in Rome. It follows that, if they allude 
to the Spanish triumph, they cannot have been struck 
until he next went out with military imperium viz., 
in 67 B.C., to the East ; if to the Asian triumph, it 
would seem, on similar grounds, that they must date 
from his proconsulship in Spain, which began in 
55 B.C. 

The fabric of the coins gives us little assistance ; it 
does not seem to be indisputably Eastern, and of the 
fabric of coins struck in Spain we know too little to 
speak decisively. 

One other point has to be considered. If the boy 
who rides on one of the horses is the son of Pompeius, 
the younger Cneius, then the triumph cannot be the 
African one, since Cneius was still unborn at the 
time. But, as Mommsen points out, the honour of so 
riding was often given to relatives when sons were 

1 It has indeed been suggested, at least in connexion with certain 
analogous "triumphal" pieces of Sulla, that they were struck 
shortly before the triumph to serve for largess. But there is no 
foundation for such a statement, and it is significant that the Sullan 
pieces in question are rarely found in Italy, and were evidently 
issued and circulated chiefly in the East. The coin of Pompeius 
before us is extremely rare, only two or three specimens being known. 

H.R.C. H 97 


not available. 1 This argument, therefore, carries no 

We are thus, it would appear, free to choose among 
the various available dates, and the period of the 
first Spanish proconsulship seems to have more in its 
favour than the rest ; since, other things being equal, 
we are then able to connect both obverse and reverse 
with the same event, and that an event of fairly recent 

The weight of the coin shows that it was struck on 
the standard of 36 to the Eoman pound. 

62 B.C. 

57. Obv. King Aretas kneeling r. beside a camel, 
holding an olive - branch ; above, y\v 

Eev. Jupiter in a quadriga 1., hurling a thunder- 
bolt; below horses' feet, a scorpion; above, 

Silver denarius. 3-76 grammes (58-0 grains). B.M.C. I p. 484 
No. 3878. 

Aretas III., king of the Nabathaeans, interfered 
more than once in the affairs of Syria and Judaea. 

1 Mommsen suggests that in this case it is Sextus Pompeius (first 
cousin once removed of the triumvir), who was born about 95 B c 



He ruled for a time in Damascus ; defeated the Jewish 
king Alexander Jannaeus at Addida, and besieged 
king Aristobulus in Jerusalem (65 B.C.). M. Aemilius 
M. f. M. n. Scaurus, sent against him by Pompeius, 
frightened him away ; but although during his retreat 
he was defeated by Aristobulus, he was far from 
crushed, and continued to give trouble. Pompeius, 
unable to take the field himself, sent Scaurus once 
more, and in 62 B.C. Aretas made peace, obtaining 
good terms. That did not prevent Scaurus from 
representing the king as a suppliant, who has dis- 
mounted from his camel and kneels, proffering an 
olive-branch. This is the earliest instance of a 
Eoman moneyer commemorating on his coins his 
own exploits. 

The piece before us belongs to an issue made 
specially (ex Senatus consulto) on the occasion of the 
aedilician games celebrated by Scaurus in 58 B.C. 
These games were notorious for their insane extrava- 
gance : 150 panthers, five crocodiles, the bones (forty 
feet long) of the very monster to which Andromeda 
was said to have been exposed at Joppa in Judaea, 
were amongst the attractions which he provided 1 and 
which helped to ruin his fortunes and the morality of 
the populace. 2 His colleague in the aedileship was 
P. Plautius Hypsaeus, who had also been in the 

1 Pliny N. H. viii. 64 ; 96 ; ix. 11. 
3 Pliny N. H. xxxvi. 113. 

H2 99 


service of Pompeius as quaestor. The scorpion may 
indeed refer to some exploit performed by Hypsaeus in 
the province of Commagene, of which it is the emblem. 1 
The significance of the type of Jupiter fulminating is 
obscure ; for the suggestion that the god is meant, 
as Zevs {tyaoroy, to refer to the name of the 
money er, is not very attractive. After all, the type 
was an old one. But the legend appears to connect it 
definitely in some way with the capture of Privernum 
by the money er's ancestor, the consul C. Plautius. 2 
This feat marked the final subjection of the Yolscians 
in 329 B.C. 3 Probably 4 the type refers to the consul's 
triumph after his Yolscian campaign ; for it must be 
remembered that in a triumph the victorious general 
appeared in the character and guise of Jupiter. 

The form CAPTV (for captum) is less probably an 
instance of anousvara i.e., the suppression of M in 
writing than an abbreviation caused by lack of space. 


49 B.C. 

58. Obv. Female head r., wearing wreath of oak- 
leaves, and jewellery; behind JJI. 

1 But it occurs only on one of the two (or three) series of coins 
struck by Hypsaeus, so that it is more probably a differentiating mark 
of some kind. 

2 His cognomen seems to have been Decianus, not Hypsaeus as the 
coin gives it. 

8 Liv. viii. 20. 

4 As Mommsen (ii., p. 491 note) seems to imply, 



Rev. Trophy of Gaulish arms (tunic, horned 
helmet, shield and karnyx) ; on r., an 
axe adorned with an animal's head ; across 
field, CAE SAR. 

Aureus. 8'50 grammes (131 ! 2 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 505, No. 

59. Obv. Similar to preceding. 

Rev. Similar trophy ; at its foot, figure of a 
prisoner, seated, with hands tied behind 
him ; across field, CAE SAR. 

Silver denarius. 3*37 grammes (52 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 506, 
No. 3959. 

60. Obv. Head of Apollo, r., hair confined by fillet; 

below, star; around, Q-SICINIVS 

Rev. Club and lion-skin between bow and arrow ; 
around, C COPON[IVS] -PR'S-C- 

Silver denarius. 3 f 99 grammes (61'6 grains). British Museum. 

When Caesar entered Rome in 49, he naturally 
seized the state treasure in the temple of Saturn, and 
converted it into coin for the payment of his troops. 
The gold and silver coins, Nos. 58 and 59, form part 
of this issue, which is remarkable in many ways. 
Eoman commanders had previously issued a military 
coinage distinct from the regular urban coinage ; thus 
Lucullus, acting as quaestor for Sulla in the Mithra- 
datic war, had struck gold pieces in his commander's 
name (see No. 55). But here we have the general 



striking a military coinage in Eome itself, while 
the only approach to a regular urban coinage was 
being struck outside Eome ! Thus there are denarii 
(No. 60) issued in this year for the praetor C. 
Coponius, who was in command of the fleet at 
Ehodes, by the monetary triumvir Q. Sicinius. Con- 
stitutionally Q. Sicinius, as home magistrate, had no 
right to issue a military coinage ; he placed himself 
within his rights by adding the letters S.C. The 
inverted position of affairs, caused by Caesar's occupa- 
tion of the capital, could not be better illustrated. 
But Caesar's coinage, irregular as it seems, was none 
the less the foundation of the imperial gold coinage, 
which is, strictly speaking, an imperatorial coinage 
issued from the Eoman mint. 

The goddess represented on the obverse of Caesar's 
coins is generally identified with Pietas, because this 
name is inscribed against a somewhat similar head 
on a contemporary coin of Decimus Brutus. But 
the head on Brutus's coin has no oak-wreath, an 
attribute which must surely be significant. The 
amount of jewellery which the goddess wears (ear- 
ring, necklace, and pearls apparently on the knot in 
which her hair is tied behind) suggests that Eckhel 1 
was right in calling her Venus, who would obviously 
be appropriate as the divine ancestress of the Julian 
family. But there appears to be no evidence that 

1 Doctrina Num. Vet. vi. p. 6. 







Nos. 46 60. 


Venus was ever represented with the oak-wreath. 
The identification must, therefore, for the present be 
regarded as uncertain. 

The numerals 11 (52) 1 have been explained as an 
indication of Caesar's age. This is not so absurd as 
it may at first sight seem. The legates of M. Antonius, 
on coins struck in Gaul in 42 and 41 B.C., indicated 
the triumvir's age (see Nos. 76, 77). Caesar was 
probably born in 102 B.C., not in 100, as is generally 
supposed. 2 Thus in the year 49 he would have com- 
pleted his fifty-second year. The reason for stating 
his age would be to remind the Romans that in the 
next year he would constitutionally be entitled to 
hold the consulship for the second time. (If the coins 
were distributed on Caesar's birthday the mention of 
his age would have additional significance.) No man, 
by the lex annalis, could hold the consulship before he 
had entered on his forty-third year. An interval 
of eleven years was required between two consulships. 
Caesar, now in his fifty-third year, would in 48 B.C. 
be once more eligible. The trophy, on the other hand, 
served to recall Caesar's exploits in Gaul, the shaggy- 
headed prisoner represented on the reverse of the 
denarius being probably no other than Yercingetorix. 3 

1 For so they must be interpreted, rather than as the letters ||T- 

2 See the note in Mommsen's History of Rome, bk. v., chap. i. 

3 See Babelon, Rev. Num. 1902, pp. 1 ff. On coins of Hostilius 
Saserna, struck about 48 B.C., we have the heads of Vercingetorix and 
of the oak-wreathed goddess described above. 



The shield, helmet, and. war-trumpet are typically 
Gaulish ; but it may be doubted whether the axe is not 
a form of sacrificial axe rather than a barbarian weapon. 
An axe decorated with a lion's head is represented 
among the sacrificial implements on denarii of P. 
Sulpicius Galba issued about 69 B.C. ; 1 and an actual 
bronze axe with a bull's head was in the Forman 
Collection. 2 In the present case, a wolf's head seems 
to have been employed as ornament. 

These tmm'and denarii of Caesar are alike extremely 
rare. The aurei were struck at 38 to the Eoman 
pound of 327*45 grammes, evidently with the object 
of approximating as closely as possible to one of the 
many forms of the " gold-shekel " standard which had 
been almost universal in the Eastern Mediterranean 
from time immemorial. Soon afterwards the standard 
was lowered to 40 to the pound, or 8*18 grammes. 
As the gold coins continued to be worth the same 
number of denarii (25), the older, heavier ones were 
probably melted down. This would account for their 
rarity, but hardly for the rarity of the denarii. 

49 B.C. 

61 . Obv. Young male head r., hair confined with fillet ; 
around, L LENT.C.MARCCOS (NT and 
MA ligatured). 

1 Grueber, B. M. 0. i., p. 433, Nos. 3516 f. 

2 C. Smith, Catal. of the Forman Collection, No. 160. 



Rev. Jupiter standing, holding eagle and thunder- 
bolt ; at his feet, altar ; in field 1., star 
and Q. 

Silver denarius. 3'7o grammes (o7'8 grains). British Museum. 

62. Obv. Winged Gorgon's head in the middle of the 
three-legged symbol (triskeles) of Sicily ; 
between the legs, ears of barley. 
Rev. Jupiter standing, holding eagle and thunder- 
bolt ; in field r., pruning-hook ; on r. and 

Silver denarius. 4' 12 grammes (63 6 grains). British Museum. 

L. Lentulus Crus and C. Claudius Marcellus were 
chosen consuls for the year 49 B.C. Both, more espe- 
cially Lentulus, were declared enemies of Caesar, and 
fled hastily at his approach to Eome. Early in 
March they were sent forward by Pompeius to Epirus. 
During the time of Caesar's Spanish expedition, 
Lentulus seems to have been occupied in raising 
troops in the East, but he returned in time for the 
fighting in Epirus. Of Marcellus we hardly hear 
again ; in 48 B.C. he was, with Coponius, in command 
of the Ehodian squadron. 

Of the two coins bearing the names of the consuls, 
the first was issued by a quaestor (hence the letter 
Q on the reverse), either at the Pompeian head- 
quarters, Dyrrhachium, or else at Apollonia. The 
latter mint is perhaps the more probable, since in the 



obverse type we may recognize Apollo, whose head is 
the regular type of the silver " denarii" of Apollonia 
in the first century B.C. The second coin, on the 
other hand, bears a symbol which definitely connects 
it with Sicily. For, whatever may have been the 
original meaning of the triskeles, 1 there is no doubt 
that, at the time when these coins were struck, it 
recalled the three-cornered island of Sicily to the 
Eomans as clearly as the same symbol recalls to us 
the Isle of Man. Now of any actual visit of the 
consuls to Sicily in their year of office we have no 
record ; and as our information with regard to their 
movements, from the time of their leaving Eome to 
their departure from Brundisium, is fairly detailed, 
we may well doubt whether they went to Sicily at all, 
But Pompeius was actively employed, until he left 
Italy, in raising men and money from every source. 2 
It is improbable that he would have neglected Sicily, 
especially as it was held for the Senate by Marcus 
Cato, until the approach of Curio drove him to join 
Pompeius. We may therefore not unreasonably con- 
jecture that these coins were struck in the name of 
the consuls, in connexion with the levies of men, 
provisions, or money, which were being made on the 
island by the Senatorial party. The ears of barley 

1 On this see an interesting note by J. Six in Sertum Nabericum 
(1908), where it is suggested that the triskeles is the symbol of 

2 Cass. Dio. xli. 9.7. 



attached to the triskeles remind us that Sicily was one 
of the great sources of corn- supply. 

The figure of Jupiter is common to the two issues. 
It is of course possible that in the one case it has 
some local reference, while in the other it is merely 
retained without any particular significance. Thus, 
if the Sicilian issue is the earlier, as is probable, the 
figure may represent some statue of Zeus in Sicily. 
Furtwangler, 1 accordingly, approves Havercamp's con- 
jecture that it is meant for the Syracusan Zeus 
Eleutherios. Further, he maintains that these coins 
need not have been struck in or for Sicily at all, but 
that the Sicilian types are personal to the consul 
Marcellus, who was descended from the conqueror of 
the island. It seems however improbable that the 
types of both sides of the coin with the triskeles 
should refer to Marcellus, leaving Lentulus in the 
cold. A satisfactory explanation of the Jupiter type 
has still to be discovered. 


46 B.C. 
63. Obv. Veiled beardless head r. ; around, CCAESAR 


Rev. Lituus, ewer and axe; below, AHIRTIVS 

Aureus. 8'07 grammes (124-6 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 525, No. 4050. 
1 Masterpieces, p. 218. 



The third consulship of Julius Caesar dates this 
coin to the year 46 B.C. It was struck by Caesar's 
lieutenant A. Hirtius, 1 the continuator of the " Gallic 
"War," who abbreviates the name of his magistracy 
thus : PR. Does this mean Praetor, or Praefectus 
urli ? The former is the more probable, since there 
is no certain instance of the abbreviation PR standing 
alone, without the qualifying dative or genitive VRB (i) 
or VRB(is), being used on a coin for praefectus. 
When, as in the coins of C. Clovius, the qualifying 
word is omitted, the abbreviation is PRAEF. 2 Histori- 
cally, the choice before us is an even one; for we 
know that in or for the year with which we are con- 
cerned Caesar arranged for the appointment of six 
praefecti of the city and ten praetors. 3 Hirtius may 
have been either, and as either may have issued the 
coin in question. On the whole, the evidence, from 
a linguistic standpoint, favours the interpretation of 
the abbreviation as Praetor. 

An examination of a number of these coins shows 
that they are hastily and carelessly struck from, as a 

1 On Hirtius, see Max L. Strack in Banner Jahrbucher, Heft 118. 

2 Whether Clovius is meant to be described as praefectus urbis or 
pi'aefectus dassis (or even praefectus fabrum, as Miinzer suggests, in 
Pauly-Wissowa s.n.) does not affect the argument. The coins of 
Q. Oppius call him PR, but there is nothing to prove that this means 
praefectus. Cestius and Norbanus, also called PR, were most probably 

8 Cassius Dio, xlii. 51 and xliii. 28. 



rule, rather roughly executed dies. There can be 
little doubt that this coinage which, it must be 
remembered, was not the ordinary silver coinage of 
the triumvirs of the mint, but a special issue of gold- 
was intended to serve for the enormous largesses 
which Caesar squandered at his triumphs in 46 B.C. 
He gave, for instance, to each veteran foot- soldier, 
20,000 sesterces , i.e. 200 such aurei ; to each of the 
populace, in addition to a dole of corn and oil, 400 
sesterces, i.e. 4 such aurei. 1 The enormous coinage 
which must have been required explains the rudeness 
with which the coins are executed, and their compara- 
tive plentifulness at the present time. The types do 
not seem to carry any allusion to the events of the 
year. The head on the obverse is generally described 
as Pietas a name which is somewhat indiscriminately 
applied by numismatists to any veiled head of some- 
what feminine appearance. When we remember how 
common a religious rite was the veiling of the head, 
the doubtfulness of such an identification is apparent. 
Nevertheless here, where the type of the reverse 
alludes to Caesar's position as religious head of the 
state, it is quite reasonable to suppose that the 
obverse represents Pietas, or the sense of duty 
towards the gods, the outward sign of which, as 
we know from Lucretius's protest, 2 was the veiling 

1 Suetonius, Divus lulius, 38. 

2 Bk. V. 1198. 



of the head before the sacred images of the 
gods : 

nee pietas ullast, velatum saepe videri 

vertier ad lapidem atque omnis accedere ad aras. 

44 B.C. 

64. Obv. Head of Julius Caesar r., laureate ; behind, 

LAVS-IVLI CORINT (INT ligatured). 
Rev. Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus r., striking 
downwards with spear ; above and below, 



Bronze. 5'27 grammes (81-4 grains). B.M.C. Corinth, p. 58, 
No. 487. 

65. Obv. Bellerophon, wearing petasos and chlamys, 

walking r., leading Pegasus by the bridle, 
before an arched doorway. In exergue, 

Eev. Poseidon seated r. on rock, r. hand resting 
on knee, 1. holding long trident upright ; 
on r. [P-]TAD|-CHILO, on 1. C IVLI- 

Bronze. 8-34 grammes (128*7 grains). B.M.C. Corinth, p. 58, 
No. 484. 

The recolonization of Corinth and Carthage was 
intended by Julius Caesar at the same time as an 
" atonement for two of the worst crimes committed 


by the old Republic, and as a means not only of 
relieving the capital of the world of starving pro- 
letarians, but also of vigorously enforcing the Romani- 
zation of the subject provinces." 1 Corinth began to 
rise from its ruins probably one hundred and two 
years after Mummius sacked it i.e., in 44 B.C. ; 
whether actually before the murder of the dictator or 
not, it is difficult to say. For the fact that the 
foundation is definitely ascribed by many ancient 
writers to Caesar merely means that he made the 
necessary plans before his death. It has indeed been 
maintained that the real foundation was only effected 
by the triumvirs after the battle of Philippi. The 
numismatic evidence, on the whole, favours an earlier 
date. 2 For the duoviri L. Certus Aeficius and 
C. lulius, who strike coins with the head of Julius 
Caesar, do not represent the heads of M. Antonius or 
Octavian, as they might be expected to do if their term 
of office had fallen after the campaign of Philippi. 
Further, the full title of the colony, Laus Iuli(a) 
Corint(hus), which, on the coins certainly of the time 
of Antonius, Augustus and the earlier emperors down 
to Domitian, is replaced by the form CORINT or 
COR I NTH I, would be expected on the earliest coins. 

1 Hertzberg, Gesch. Griechenlands, i., pp. 460 f . ; where also the 
varying views as to the date of the foundation are discussed. 

2 On the chronology of the coins, see Earle Fox, in Journal Inter- 
national d? ArcMologie Numi&matiyue, ii. (1899), pp. 94 f. 



The coin of the duoviri P. Tadius Chilo and C. Julius 
Niceporus, which is also for various reasons placed 
early in the series, bears the legend Corinthum. This 
use of the accusative is not paralleled elsewhere, and 
is difficult to explain. 

The types are local. The standing type of the 
coinage of Corinth from the earliest times was 
Pegasus. Bellerophon himself was less commonly 
represented. On one of our coins he is seen leading 
Pegasus having evidently but just tamed him 
towards the doorway of a building of some kind; 
possibly this is meant to indicate the fountain-house 
of Peirene. On the other, we have part of the battle 
with the Chimaera without the Chimaera. It is not 
certain whether the figure of Poseidon reproduces an 
actual statue. 1 

The coins are signed by the duoviri iure dicundo, 
the highest officials of the colony, as eponymous 

44 B.C. 

66. Obv. Head of Julius Caesar r., laureate, veiled ; 
in front, CAESAR; behind, DICT 

1 See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Numism. Comm. on Pausanias, 
pp. 16 f., for the various Poseidon statues at Corinth. 



Rev. Venus standing to 1. with sceptre (at foot of 
which is a shield) in her 1., and a Victory 
in her r. ; on r., PSEPVLLIVS; on 1., 

Silver denarius. 3-85 grammes (59-4 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 549, 
No. 4173. 

67. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r., bearded, veiled ; in 
front, lituus ; behind, one-handled jug. 
Circular countermark. 

Eev. Horseman riding at a gallop and leading a 
second horse to r. ; behind, wreath and 
palm - branch ; above, PSEPVLLIVS; 
below, MACER. 

Silver denarius. 4-28 grammes (66-0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 550, 
No. 4178. 

The exact date of these coins has been much 
discussed, though the choice of years lies only between 
44 and 43 B.C. The second piece, showing the head 
of M. Antonius with the beard which he grew in sign 
of mourning, must obviously have been struck after 
the death of Caesar, March 15th, 44 B.C. The first, 
on which Caesar is called " Dictator perpetuo," must 
accordingly date after the beginning of 44 B.C. 
Another denarius of Macer represents the temple 
which the Senate proposed, shortly before the Dicta- 
tor's death, to erect to his clemency ;* dementia and 
Caesar were represented joining hands, and this virtue 

1 Plut. Caes. 57 ; App. I.e. ii. 106 ; Case. Dio, xliv. 6. 
H.K.C. I 113 


thus entered the ranks of the gods publicly worshipped 
at Borne. Although the temple is represented on the 
coin of Macer, it by no means follows that it was 
actually completed at the time. 1 

There is thus no cogent reason for postponing the 
magistracy of Macer until 43 B.C. ; indeed, since 
Antonius left Borne at the end of November, 44, and 
was thenceforward active against the Senate, being in 
fact declared a public enemy after his defeat by Hirtius 
in April, 43, it is difficult to see how the Senate could 
have allowed a moneyer of the latter year to place 
the head of Antonius on the coins. 2 So far, Caesar's 
was the only portrait of a living person that had 
appeared on the Boman coinage, and that in accordance 
with a special decree of the Senate. 3 The privilege 
would not have been repeated for Antonius during 
the period of strained relations with the Senate ; or 
for him alone, without Lepidus and Octavian, during 
the triumvirate. Again, when the triumvirate came 
into being, late in the year, Caesar had been dead for 

1 Any more than the Tempio Malatestiano at Eimini was completed 
in the form represented on Matteo de' Fasti's medal of Sigismondo 
Malatesta, which was cast in 1450 to show the elevation planned by 
the architect Leone Battista Alberti. 

8 See Grueber, B.M.C. i., p. 548. 

8 CassiusDio,xliv.4. What Dio says is: ILarepa re avrov T^S Trar/aiSos 
eTrajvo/Aocrav KCU es ra vo^ucr/taTa cve^cxpa^ai/. A better writer would 
have inserted a word making it clear that it was Caesar's portrait, and 
not his title Pater Patriae, which was engraved on the coins ; but there 
can be no doubt as to the real significance of the passage. 



more than eighteen months, and the Caesarian types 
would have lost much of their point. "We may there- 
fore accept De Salis's attribution of these coins to the 
year of Caesar's death. The first was probably struck 
before the fatal event. Caesar is represented with 
veiled head as pontifex maximus. The portrait, though 
not nearly so well executed as the head on the coins 
of L. Aemilius Buca, another money er of the same 
year, is more like the traditional Caesar. He wears 
the laurel-wreath, the perpetual use of which was 
granted to him by the State, much, says Suetonius, 1 
to his satisfaction, because his baldness exposed him 
to the derision of his enemies. Yenus is represented 
on the coin as the ancestress of the Julian house ; 
she is here the Yenus Yictrix whose name was Caesar's 
watchword at Pharsalus and Munda, 2 and whom he 
had represented on his signet-ring. 3 On the second 
coin the palm-branch and wreath show that the 
type is agonistic ; the rider is a desultor, and the con- 
test that in which a horseman leaps from one horse to 
another in full gallop. Suetonius records 4 that nobilis- 
simi iuvenes rode in such races at the Circensian games 
celebrated by Caesar. As this performance by young 
men of good position was something out of the common, 
Macer may have thought it a suitable type for coins 

1 Divus lulius, 45. 

2 Appian I.e. ii. 68. 281 ; 104. 430. 
8 Cassius Dio, xliii. 43. 

4 Divus luliui 39. 

12 115 


so closely connected with Caesar or his memory. The 
same type is used as the reverse of the coins with the 
temple of dementia. 

4342 B.C. 

68. Obv. Head of Brutus r. ; on 1. BRVTVS, on r. 

IMP ; the whole in a wreath. 
Rev. Military and naval trophy ; on 1. CASCA, 
on r. LONGVS. 

Aureus. 8'64 grammes (133'3 grains). British Museum. 

69. Obv. Head of Brutus r.; behind, L'PLAET-CEST; 

above and in front, BRVT IMP. 
Rev. Cap of Liberty between two daggers ; 
El D MAR. 

Silver denarius. 3-80 grammes (58*7 grains). British Museum. 

70. Obv. Bust of Liberty r., veiled; around, LSEST I- 


Rev. Tripod, axe, and sacrificial ladle ; around, 

Silver denarius. 3-84 grammes (59-3 grains). British Museum. 

71. Obv. Head of Brutus r. 

Rev. Four-legged seat (subsellium) between 
viator's wand (virga) and money-chest 
(fiscus) ; below, Q. 

Bronze. 9-36 grammes (144 '5 grains). British Museum. 

Of these coins, No. 68 was struck in Asia Minor, 
during the year 43, when Brutus was preparing for 


the campaign of Philippi ; the others in 42, when he 
was in Macedon. The name of Brutus, as the adopted 
son of Q. Servilius Caepio, has on No. 70 the official 
form Q. Caepio Brutus. Besides him, the coins name 
three of his officers. L. Plaetorius Cestianus is 
unknown to history. L. Sestius, who strikes as pro 
quaestore, is that attractive person, the devoted friend 
of Brutus, to whom Horace addressed an ode (1.4), 
and whom Augustus took into his favour. Casca 
Longus is Servilius Casca : either Publius, who was 
the first to strike at Caesar, 1 or his brother Caius. 2 
Publius served as the legatus of Brutus, fought at 
Philippi, and died soon afterwards. Caius, who was 
also among the conspirators, was, like his brother, 
present in the campaign of Philippi. The bronze 
piece, No. 71, does not, strictly speaking, come into 
the ordinary Eoman series. From comparison with 
other coins it is clear that it was struck in Macedon, 
and probably at Pella or Thessalonica, shortly before 
the campaign of Philippi. 3 

The types for the most part explain themselves. 
The cap of liberty between the two daggers, with the 
inscription commemorating the Ides of March, has an 
extraordinarily modern flavour. The sacrificial instru- 
ments on No. 70 must refer to some priestly office. 

1 Cic. PM.ii. 11; Plut. Caes. 66; Brut. 17,45; Cass. Dio, xliv. 52; 
xlvi. 49. 

2 Cic. ibid. ; App. ii. 113 ; Cass. Dio, xliv. 52. 

3 Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies yrecques, p. 60, No. 1. 



The trophy on Casca's coin commemorates the petty 
victories which the tyrannicides won over the unfor- 
tunate Asiatics in the year before Philippi. On the 
reverse of the bronze coin we find the insignia of the 
quaestor who issued it (marking it accordingly with 
the letter Q). 


Nov. 43 DEC. 38 B.C. 

72. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r. ; around, M'ANT- 


Rev. Heroic figure (Anton) seated 1. on rocks, 
with spear and shield ; around, L- 

Aureus. 7-98 grammes (123-1 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 578, No. 

73. Obv. Head of Octavian r. ; around, OCAESAR 


Eev. Aeneas carrying Anchises r. ; around, in- 
scription as on preceding. 

Aureus. 8'24 grammes (127-1 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 579, No. 

74. Obv. Head of Lepidus r. ; around, MLEPIDVS 


Rev. The Vestal Aemilia standing L, holding 
simpulum and sceptre ; around, inscrip- 
tion as on No. 72. 

Aureus. 7'98 grammes (123-2 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 580, No. 



---> - 







Nos. 6174. 


L. Livineius Eegulus issued these coins as one 
of the quattuorviri auro publico feriundo. Other 
moneyers who struck gold coins with the same title 
about the same time are L. Mussidius Longus and 
P. Clodius M. f. All three men issued sets of 
three gold coins with portraits of the triumvirs ; 
and C. Yibius Yarus, though he does not describe 
himself as belonging to the quattuorvirate, has an 
analogous issue. It seems natural, therefore, to 
assign these four moneyers to the same year, viz., the 
first year of the triumvirate, 43 42 B.C. De Salis, 
however, on various numismatic grounds with which 
we need not concern ourselves here, gives the coins of 
Mussidius and Eegulus to the year 39, and postpones 
the issues of the two others to the next year. It 
was in 44 B.C. that Caesar raised the number of 
moneyers from three to four. De Salis' s view was 
that only two of the board of four exercised their 
right of coinage in each year. And he supposed the 
portraits of the triumvirs to have appeared, not in the 
first year of the triumvirate, but after the third 
partition of the Empire at the treaty of Brundisium. 

However this may be and De Salis's position has 
been shaken in some details by the discovery of coins 
unknown to him the historical interest of these issues 
does not depend entirely on their exact date. We 
have already noticed the gradual intrusion of the gold 
imperatorial coinage into the system of the Eoman 



mint. The process is now complete ; these gold coins 
are part of the regular currency, struck by the regu- 
larly appointed officials of the mint, without reference 
to the military imperium. Equally important, how- 
ever, is the emphasis laid on the personalities of the 
triumvirs. The portrait of Julius Caesar was the first 
to appear, quite irregularly, as the portrait of a living 
person, on the coins ; * then, in exceptional circum- 
stances, came the portrait of M. Antonius ; now, with 
the portraits of the triumviri reipublicae constituendae 
side by side before us, we no longer feel that there is 
anything exceptional in the portrayal of the living 
rulers of the state. Another blow has been struck at 
the " republican " nature of the coinage. On the coins 
of Q. Voconius Yitulus and TL Sempronius Gracchus, 
which De Salis has attributed to 37 B.C., the heads of 
Antonius and Lepidus do not occur, and their absence 
illustrates the growing power of Octavian, who alone, 
with Divus Julius, is represented. This is the next 
stage. Finally, after this year, not even the names of 
the quattuorviri or other moneyers are inscribed on 
the coins, while the types refer wholly to Octavian, 
not to the moneyer's family history ; we have, to all 
intents and purposes, reached the full imperial stage 
of the coinage. With the revival of the bronze or 
brass coinage in 16 B.C., the moneyers' names reappeared 

1 On the significance of the portraits of living persons on Roman 
coins, see Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 192 f, 



for a brief period, and the Senate's authority was 
recognized, in that this money bore the letters S C 
(Senatus consulto) . These letters, indeed, continued to 
mark, with few exceptions, all the coins of copper, 
bronze or brass, for nearly two and a-half centuries, as 
issued by the authority of the Senate. But the gold 
and silver coinage always retained the character which 
had been given it in the years with which we are 
dealing. The imperial coinage of Rome thus begins 
not with the year 27 B.C., but some ten years earlier. 

The types on the reverses here described are obvious 
in their personal reference. Anton, son of Hercules, 
was claimed by the Antonii as the founder of their 
race. Aeneas appears on the coins of Octavian as 
founder of the lulii. The Vestal is presumably the 
Aemilia who, when the fire of which she was in charge 
went out, prayed to the goddess and, throwing a 
piece of her robe on the embers, miraculously re- 
kindled the flame. Yet the Komans who saw a Vestal 
represented on the coins of an Aemilius could hardly 
fail to remember first of all the scandal of the Vestal 
Aemilia who for her unchastity paid the penalty of 
death in 114 B.C. 

43 B.C. 

75. Obv. Head of Liberty r., laureate; behind, 



Rev. Crab holding in its claws an aplustre; 
below, a diadem and a half -blown rose; 
on 1. MSERVILIVS, on r. LEG. 

Silver denarius. 3'84 grammes (59'2 grains). British Museum. 

Cassius, having crushed Dolabella in Syria, returned 
to meet Brutus in Asia. Before proceeding to 
Macedonia he undertook to punish the adherents of 
the triumvirs in Asia Minor, and first directed himself 
against the Ehodians, who had sided with Dolabella. 
They attempted to appease his wrath, but he declined 
to listen, and after defeating them by sea and by land, 
gained possession of the city, which he plundered. 
Plutarch relates that after his victory, when the 
Ehodians hailed him as king and lord, he replied : 
" Neither king nor lord, but the slayer and chastiser 
of the lord and king." 1 

Four objects are crowded together on the reverse of 
this coin ; of these it is obvious that the aplustre 
alludes to victory at sea, while the diadem and the 
rose speak of the royal greeting which the Ehodians 
extended to their conqueror. But the crab is more 
difficult to explain. If the rose, as the Ehodian arms, 
alludes to the Ehodians, it would seem that the crab 
represents the arms of the neighbouring island of Cos. 2 

1 Plut. Brut. 30. 

2 The crab had at this time almost disappeared from the Coan 
coinage ; but, as it had from the earliest times been the standing type 
of the Coan coins, it doubtless always remained the badge or arms of 
the city. 



It appears that Cassius's sea victory was won in Coan 
waters. 1 There is, indeed, just a possibility that the crab 
has not here any reference to Cos at all, but that, as 
Thalassa, the personification of the sea, wears a head- 
dress of crab's claws, so the crab may be a kind of 
short-hand for the sea. The reference to Cos, how- 
ever, seems much less far-fetched. 

Cassius's victory took place in 43 B.C. The coin 
itself was struck by his legatus M. Servilius, probably 
in the next year, after Cassius himself had left on the 
fatal expedition to Philippi ; at any rate, after he had 
rejoined Brutus at Sardis, where he was saluted as 

The form C ASS El on the obverse preserves an 
older form of the name, which was written with El 
instead of I. 

M. Servilius, the legate of Cassius, appears to be 
the person who was tribune of the people in 44 B.C., 
and was described by Cicero as vir fortissimus? 

4241 B.C. 

76. Obv. Female portrait bust r., with small wings 
on either side of neck. 

1 See Borghesi, (Euvres, L, p. 393 ; from Appian iv. 71. 300 f., we 
see that the action began off Myndus ; cp. Cass. Dio, xlviii. 33. 

2 Adfam, xii, 7; Phil. iv. 6. 16. 



Rev. Lion walking r. ; below and above [LJVGV 
DVN [I] ; in field 1. [A], r. XL. 

Silver qiiinarius. 1'43 grammes (22 grains). British Museum. 

77. Obv. Similar to obv. of No. 76; around m.VIR 


Rev. Similar to rev. of No. 76 ; above lion, 
ANTON I, below IMP; in field 1. A, r. XL|- 

Silver quinarius. Cabinet des Medailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, 

In the division of the provinces under the second 
triumvirate in 43 B.C., Lepidus received Spain and 
Gallia Narbonensis, Antonius the rest of Gaul. The 
two triumvirs were represented in their absence by 
legates ; P. Ventidius Eassus seems to have governed 
Gallia Lugdunensis until, in 41 B.C., he left the province, 
which then came under Fufius Calenus. 

M. Antonius was born in 82 B.C. His 40th birthday 
therefore fell in 42, his 41st in 41 B.C. Eckhel's inter- 
pretation of A XL and A XL! as anni or annos xl. or 
xli. has generally been accepted, the point of the com- 
memoration of Antonius's age on these coins being 
clear if we assume, with Hirschfeld, that they were 
struck for his birthday and distributed to his troops. 1 
The locative LVGVDVNI shows that the first, at any 
rate, was struck at Lugdunum. It is certainly odd that 
on the earlier quinarii the name of M. Antonius is 
not mentioned. But if they were distributed on his 

1 See above, on Caesar's coinage of 49 B.C. (p. 103). 



birthday, everyone concerned must have known the 
meaning of the number XL. When the issue was 
repeated next year, we may suppose that the omission 
was rectified, and the name of Lugdunum had to give 
way to the name of the triumvir. 

The types are significant. The woman who appears 
as Victory on the obverse is the triumvir's wife Fulvia. 
That is clear from a comparison with coins of the city 
of Eumeneia in Phrygia, which for a time bore after 
her the name of Fulvia; on those coins also she is 
represented as Yictory. The lion on the reverse 
has been ingeniously interpreted 1 as the triumvir's 
genethliac sign. It appears from Pliny 2 that he 
showed the same sort of partiality for the lion as 
Augustus showed for the Capricorn ; and as the 
Capricorn became the badge of several legions founded 
by Augustus, so, it has been thought, the lion was the 
badge of a legion established by M. Antonius. And 
as a matter of fact there exists a quinarius of Augustus 
with a running lion as its reverse type and the inscrip- 
tion LEG. XVI. It may well be, then, that this sixteenth 
legion was founded by M. Antonius, and that the 
quinarii struck at Lugdunum were issued for its 
especial benefit. But, whatever we may say as to 

1 By Willers, in the Numism. Zeitschr. xxxiv. (1902), in an elaborate, 
study of the coinage of Lugdunum, to which the information given 
in the text is mainly due. 

2 N. H. viii. 21. 55. 



these conjectures, there can be little doubt as to the 
occasion on which the coins were issued. 

The early form Lugudunum for the name of the 
city is noteworthy. 


4236 B.C. 

78. Obv. Head of Sextus Pompeius r. ; around, MAG- 

PIVS- IMPITER ; the whole in oak- 

Eev. Heads of On. Pompeius Magnus r. and Cn. 

Pompeius the Younger ]., confronted ; on 

1., lituus, on r. tripod ; above and below, 


(some of the letters ligatured). 

Aureus. 8'06 grammes (124-4 grains). British Museum. 

79. Obv. The pharos of Messana ; on the top, figure 

of Neptune (holding trident and dolphin, 
with his foot on a prow) ; lying before it, 
a war-galley, bearing a military eagle, a 
trident and a thyrsos. Around, inscrip- 
tion as on obv. of No. 78. 

Eev. Scylla, with double tail, and foreparts of 
wolves around her waist, brandishing an 
oar; around, inscription as on rev. of 
No. 78. 

Silver denarius. 3-86 grammes (59-5 grains). British Museum. 

Sextus Pompeius Magnus was the younger son of 


Pompeius the Great. From the time of the battle of 
Pharsalia he was almost continuously a thorn in the side 
of Caesar, and, after the dictator's death, of Antonius 
and Octavian. In 44 B.C., when the Senate broke with 
M. Antonius, Pompeius was appointed praefect of 
the fleet and of the sea-coast, as he calls himself on 
his coins. The phrase EX S-C- which follows the title 
refers, probably, to the grant of this office, and not to 
the grant of the right of coinage. From the beginning 
of the triumvirate, being proscribed, he turned pirate, 
and eventually (in 42 B.C.) made himself master of 
Sicily. Here he held out for six years, until Agrippa, 
defeating him first at Mylae and then decisively at 
Naulochus, broke his power. He fled to the East, 
where he met his death in 35 B.C. During his six 
years in Sicily his only idea seems to have been to 
annoy the triumvirs, without aspiring to restore the 
Eepublican regime or to seize the supreme power 
himself. His rough, uncultured nature 1 is well 
expressed in the portrait on the obverse of his aureus. 
As the avenger of his father and his elder brother 
(killed in Spain after the battle of Munda in 45), he 
calls himself " Pius," and represents their portraits on 
his coinage. The denarius is one of a number with 
types of local interest : for all these coins appear to 

1 Veil. Paterc. ii, 73: hie adolescens erat studiis rudis, sermone 
barbarus, impetu strenuus, manu promtus, cogitatione celer, fide 
patri dissiraillimus, libertorum suorum libertus, servorumque servus, 
speciosis invidens, ut pareret humillimis. 



have been struck in Sicily. 1 Scylla symbolizes the 
Straits of Messana ; the obverse of the same coin shows 
an admiraPs galley 2 occupying the harbour of Messana. 
On the pharos is a statue of Neptune, naturally appro- 
priate to such a place, but also significant of the fact 
that Sextus claimed to be " son of Neptune." He 
called himself Imperator iterum, probably after his 
defeat of Q. Salvidienus Eufus in 42 B.C. ; a victory 
over Asinius Pollio in Spain in 45 or 44 having 
allowed him to take the title for the first time. 3 

The augurship of Pompeius the Great 4 is alluded to 
by the lituus behind his head ; the tripod is also the 
symbol of some priestly office. 

40 B.C. 

80. Obv. Head of Labienusr. ; around, Q. LABIENVS 

Rev. Bridled and saddled horse standing r. 

Silver denarius. 3-78 grammes (58'3 grains). British Museum. 

1 For others see my Coins of Ancient Sicily, PI. xv. 6 and 9. 

2 The meaning of the thyrsos which leans against the aplustre (or 
stern ornament) is obscure. It is found in the same position on the 
ship in the beautiful Ludovisi relief representing Paris and Oenone. 
Attempts have been made to explain the significance of this Dionysiac 
emblem on the relief, but without success. It seems still more out of 
place on the flagship of Sextus Pompeius. 

8 Cassius Dio, xlv. 10. 
4 Cic. Phil. ii. 4. 



Q. Labienus 1 was the son of that T. Labienus who, 
after serving under Caesar in Gaul, deserted to the 
side of Pompeius, and was slain at Munda. After 
the murder of Caesar, Quintus was sent to Parthia by 
Brutus and Cassius to obtain help from King Orodes ; 
and he stayed in the country until, in 40 B.C. , a favourable 
opportunity occurred for him to strike a blow against 
the power of the triumvirs. "With Pacorus, the son 
of Orodes, he invaded Syria, which for the most part 
submitted without a blow. Leaving Pacorus to com- 
plete the work in Syria, Labienus overran the greater 
part of southern Asia Minor, reaching as far as 
Caria. His successes induced him to take the title 
of Parthicus Imperator , which must have been doubly 
offensive to a "Western ear, since, according to Roman 
usage, it should have meant that he was the conqueror 
of the Parthians, not their ally. The orator Hybreas, 
who unsuccessfully defended the Carian fortress of 
Mylasa against him, ironically proposed to call himself 
The successes of Labienus in 

1 Labienus is a gentile name, but the error which regards it as a 
cognomen of the gens Atia still persists. For the career of Labienus, 
see especially Cassius Dio, xlviii. 2426, 39, 40. 

2 Strabo, xiv. 660. Strictly speaking, no doubt, "Parthicus" and 
" imperator " are co-ordinate words, qualifying " Q. Labienus." But 
Hybreas chose to take "Parthicus" as an adjective qualifying 
" imperator" ; or perhaps he knew no better. Cassius Dio carefully 
says avTOKparopd re avrov KOL TiapOiKov ye e/c TOV evavrtwrarov rots 
'PayWots 20ovs ai/o/Aaev (liv. 26). Gardthausen (Augustus I. i., 
p. 225) seems to have missed the point of Hybreas' joke. 

H.B.C. 129 


Asia Minor were brought to a close by M. Antonius' 
lieutenant, P. Ventidius, in 39 B.C. 

The coin of Labienus must have been issued by 
him either in Syria (at some such place as Antioch) or 
in Asia Minor. A Syrian mint is, on the whole, more 
probable, although it cannot reasonably be argued 
from a statement of Cassius Dio that Labienus took 
no Parthian cavalry with him across the Taurus. 1 
Labienus doubtless claimed that he was issuing money 
in virtue of his Eoman imperium ; so he issued it of 
the weight and in the style of the denarius ; and, at 
the same time, struck an aureus precisely like it in all 
respects save metal and weight. 

The reverse type alludes to the Parthian light 
cavalry with which he raided Eoman territory. It 
offers an admirable contrast to the conventional repre- 
sentation of horses which prevails at this time, is 
evidently carefully studied from the life, and gives a 
better idea than anything else now extant of what 
the Parthian horse was like. It is difficult to explain 
what it is that hangs from the saddle. One of the 
Scythian horses on a famous silver vase, from 
Tchertomlitsk in South Eussia, 2 carries an object 
depending from its saddle in the same way, but on a 
much smaller scale. None of the explanations that 

1 XL VIII. 39 : when Ventidius came upon Labienus in Asia Minor, 
Labienus aivcv TWV IIap0a>v /xera TWV avroOev crrp(ma>T<oi> /x,oi/o>v rjv. 

2 Kondakoff, Tolstoi and Reinach, Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale, 
p. 298. I owe this analogy to Mr. 0. M. Dalton. 



occur to the mind (bow-case, stirrup, saddle-bag, 
saddle-cloth) seems satisfactory. 

Ventidius, says Dio, 1 got nothing from the Senate 
for his services, because he was serving merely as 
Antonius' lieutenant. A rare denarius, on which both 
Antonius and Yentidius are named with the title 
imp(erator), has been associated with the campaign 
of Yentidius against Labienus and the Parthians. It 
was, however, more probably issued in Cisalpine Gaul 
when Yentidius was acting on behalf of Antonius in 
43 B.C., or else a little later, during the Perusine War. 
M. Antonius is still represented as wearing a beard in 
mourning for Julius Caesar. There is no numismatic 
record of Yentidius' Parthian victories. 2 

34 B.C. 

81. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r. ; around, AN- 

Rev. Armenian tiara, with bow and arrow (or 
sceptre) crossed behind it ; around, IMP 


Silver denarius. Cabinet des Medailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, 

1 XL VIII. 41. He was compensated, however, when Antonius sent 
him back to Rome, by a splendid triumph in Nov. 38, after which he 
disappears from history. 

2 Except probably the dates on coins of Rhosus ; see Journ. Internat. 
d'Arch. Num. 1903, pp. 47 f. 

K2 131 


82. Obv. Bust of Cleopatra r., diademed, with small 

prow before it; around, CLEO[PATRAE 


Rev. Head of M. Antonius r. ; behind, small 

Armenian tiara ; around, AN TON I 


Silver denarius. 3*58 grammes (55'2 grains). British Museum. 

On his unfortunate expedition against the Parthian 
Phraates in 36 B.C., M. Antonius was accompanied 
by his ally Artavasdes, King of Armenia, with 
6,000 horse and 7,000 foot. But, after the destruction 
of the Eoman siege-train under Oppius Statianus, 
Artavasdes deserted the Eoman cause, and returned 
to Armenia with his troops. As the king was thus in 
some measure responsible for the subsequent disasters 
to the Eoman forces, Antonius determined to have 
his revenge ; but he concealed his intentions until 
after his return to Syria. In the spring of 34 B.C. 
he invaded Armenia, obtained possession of the person 
of Artavasdes by treachery, and carried him off to 
figure in the triumph which was celebrated at 
Alexandria, The recognition of the eastern capital 
as a place where an imperator could triumph as well 
as in Eome earned for Antonius no small unpopu- 
larity. At the same time he proclaimed Cleopatra 
Queen of Egypt, Cyprus, Libya, and Coele-Syria; 
her sons received the title of King of Kings, Armenia 
with other kingdoms being assigned to Alexander, 


while Cleopatra herself was hailed as " Queen of 
Kings." x 

Antonius was designated consul for the second and 
third time in 39 B.C. 2 His third imperatorship dates 
from 39, 3 or at latest from 36 B.C. (the Parthian expedi- 
tion being regarded by courtesy as victorious), 4 and his 
second consulship from 34 B.C. The denarius No. 81, 
on which he is described as " imperator tertio " but 
is not yet " cos. ii.," must have been struck at the 
latest in 35 B.C. Now in this year Antonius had 
not even started on his Armenian expedition. The 
Armenian tiara that forms the type of the reverse is 
evidently therefore an anticipation of the subjection 
of the country. 5 The coins were probably struck at 
Alexandria during the preparations for the expedition 
which started in the next spring. On the other hand, 
the denarius with the head of Cleopatra, describing 
her as " Queen of Kings, the sons of Kings," was 
doubtless issued after the return of M. Antonius to 
Alexandria with Artavasdes in his train. Accordingly 

1 Cass. Dio, xlix. 41. 

2 Babelon, i., p. 160. 

3 Supposing that lie was acclaimed imperator on the strength of 
Ventidius' defeats of Labienus and the Parthians. 

4 We know that Antonius sent to Borne announcements of imaginary 
successes in this campaign (Cass. Dio, xlix. 32). 

3 As Mr. Grueber reminds me, Antonius promised at this time to 
give Lesser Armenia to Polemo I. of Pontus, as a reward for the' 
mission on which he sent him to the Median king. He kept his word 
(Cass. Dio, xlix. 33, 44), Mr. Grueber thinks that it is this claim to 
dispose of Lesser Armenia which is illustrated by our coin. 



we have the tiara behind the conqueror's head, and 
the inscription ARMENIA DEVICTA. The prow, 
which appears as an adjunct to the portrait of 
Cleopatra, is difficult to explain, unless it be the 
mark of some Syrian mint, such as Tripolis or 

29 B.C. 

83. Obv. Victory to r. on prow of galley, holding 

wreath in r. and palm-branch in 1. 
Rev. Octavian in a triumphal quadriga r., holding 
laurel-branch ; in exergue, CAESAR 

Silver denarius. 3'78 grammes (58-3 grains). B.M.O. II., p. 12, 
No. 4342. 

84. Obv. Similar to preceding. 

Rev. Similar to preceding, but with inscription 
replaced by IMP CAESAR. 

Silver denarius. 3-98 grammes (61-4 grains). B.M.O. II., p. 13, 
No. 4343. 

The triple triumph which Octavian celebrated on 
his return from the East in the summer of 29 B.C. is 
alluded to in various ways on the coinage of the time. 
The victory of Actium in particular is commemorated 
not merely by the type of Victory on a prow, but 
also by a figure of Neptune standing with one foot on 
a globe, and by a combined naval and military trophy. 
The Neptune and the Victory are interesting as 


showing a conscious adaptation of types used by 
Demetrius Poliorcetes on his coinage to commemorate 
his victory over Ptolemy in 306 B.C. The Greek, on 
one of his coins, represented Poseidon standing with 
his foot on a rock, leaning with his left hand on his 
trident probably a reproduction of a statue. On 
another was Victory, blowing a trumpet, on a prow 
this too representing a statue, which is still preserved 
to us in the Victory of Samothrace in the Louvre. 
Octavian makes Neptune (or perhaps himself in the 
guise of the god) stand with his foot on a globe, and 
hold an aplustre ; he rests with his left hand on a 
trident, but he wears a sword at his side ! His 
Victory, instead of the magnificent figure of the fourth- 
century artist, is a wreath- and-palm-bearing winged 
woman of highly conventional style. The types thus 
show, not merely a conscious adaptation, but a frigid 
modification of a great original. 

It will be noticed that the two denarii here described 
differ only in the legend of the reverse. The coins on 
which Octavian is called Imperator Caesar (No. 84) 
appear to date from the years 29 to 27 B.C. In the 
latter year he received the title Augustus. The coin 
with Caesar Divi filius (No. 83), on the other hand, is 
one of a class which is assigned to the period 36 to 
29 B.C. Since it refers to the Actian triumph, it must 
belong to the very end of this period. 

Octavian was saluted as imperator twenty-one times 



in all, the first occasion being in 43 B.C. But he also 
employed the word, and does so here, in an extra- 
ordinary sense, in that he used it as a personal 
praenomen, inheritable by his children, and having no 
direct reference to military achievements. When he 
assumed this praenomen in 29 B.C., 1 he dropped his 
old praenomen Gaius. 

27 B.C. 

85. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, CAESAR- 

Rev. An eagle, wings spread, holding in his 
talons an oak- wreath ; behind his wings, 
two branchesof laurel ; above, AVGVSTVS; 
at sides of wreath, S. C. 

Aurem. 7'81 grammes (120 -5 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 18, No. 4371. 

86. Obv. Head of Augustus r ; around, CAESAR 


Rev. A shield, inscribed S PQ-RCL'V', leaning 
against a column; before the column, 
Victory flying r., holding in her hands a 

Aureus. 7 '92 grammes (122'2 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 22, No. 4385. 

In the Will of Augustus we read: senatu[s con- 
sulto Aug(ustus) appe]llatus sum et laureis postes 

1 Cass. Dio, Hi. 41 ; cp, xliii. 44. 



aedium mearum v[estiti publice coronaq]ue civica super 
ianuam meam fixa est [clupeusque auretfjs in [c]uria 
lulia positus, quern mihi senatum [populumque 
Eomanu]m dare virtutis clem[entia]e iustitia[e pietatis 
causa testatum] est pe[r e]ius clupei [inscriptionjem. 1 

The title of Augustus was conferred on Octavian 
on 16th January, 727 ( = 27 B.C.) by decree of the 
Senate. Three days earlier the honours of the oaken 
crown and the laurels at his door had been granted to 
him. Cassius Dio tells us 2 that laurel trees were 
placed before the door of the house of Octavian, and 
an oak-wreath hung above it. This is confirmed by 
a coin of L. Caninius Gallus, which shows a pair of 
laurel trees and an oak- wreath in position at the door 
of the Emperor's house. 

The golden shield of valour mentioned in the will is 
described in an inscription 3 in the following words : 
B.P.Q.K. Augusto dedit clupeum virtutis [c]le[men]- 
ti[ae ius]t[itiae pietatis causa]. Ancient writers are 
silent regarding it. But there can be little doubt 
that it was voted to the Emperor at the same time as 
the other decorations. It was deposited, as Augustus 
tells us, in the Senate House, where also stood the 
statue of Victory from Tarentum, with the altar which 
he dedicated in the year 29. This fact is illustrated 

1 Mon. Anc. (Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi Aug.] c. 34. 

LIII. 16. 
8 C. L L. ix. 5809. Other inscriptions also refer to it. 



in the type of the coin No. 86, which connects Victory 
with the shield of valour. On the preceding coin the 
oaken corona civica is borne by an eagle. This is the 
symbol of Empire, which Augustus is said to have 
borrowed from Egypt, where it had, almost from the 
foundation of the Ptolemaic dynasty, been used on the 
coins as the type of sovereignty. 1 It must, however, 
be remembered that the Bomans had long used the 
eagle for the purposes of a standard in war ; and, the 
Empire being based on a military imperium, the bird 
would naturally come to be used as its emblem. 

Count de Salis assigned the aureus with the eagle to 
the year 27 B.C., and the other piece before us to the 
period 24 20 B.C. His reasons for this division appear 
to lie in the treatment of the portrait. For our pur- 
pose, it is sufficient to note that both were struck 
between 27 and 20 B.C., and that No. 86, with its 
pointed reference to the decree of 16th January, 27, 
was doubtless issued in that very year. 

20 B.C. 

87. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, [AVGVSTVS]. 

Linear border. 

lines, within a linear circle. 

Silver denarius. 3'82 grammes (59 grains). British Museum. 
1 See Oder in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. i. 375. 


Nos. 7588. 


88. Obv. Head of Augustus r; around, CAESAR 


Rev. Mars, nude but for a slight cloak fastened 
round his waist, helmeted, walking to 1., 
looking back ; he holds in his right a 
legionary eagle, in his left the standard of 
a maniple ; inscription on 1. SI ON IS, on r. 

Silver denarius. 4*36 grammes (67'3 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 26, 
No. 4405. 

89. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, S'P'Q'R' 


Rev. Triumphal arch with three openings ; 
above, Augustus in quadriga to front, 
between a Parthian (on 1.), offering a 
manipular standard, and another (on r.), 
offering a legionary eagle and holding in 
his 1. a bow; around, CIVIBETSIGN 

Aureus. 7 "81 grammes (120-5 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 37, No. 4453. 

90. Obv. Head of Augustus 1. ; around, CAESAR 


Eev. Circular domed temple ; within, Mars to 1., 
holding a legionary eagle and a manipular 
standard ; across the field, MAR VLT. 

Silver denarius. 3-89 grammes (60-0 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 28, 
No. 4411. 

The stroke of diplomacy by which in 20 B.C. 



Augustus induced Phraates to return the standards 
which the Parthians had on three different occasions 
captured from Eoman armies was one of the achieve- 
ments of which he was most proud. " Signa militaria 
complur[a per] alios d[u]ces ami[ssa] devicti[s hostibus 
reciperavi] ex Hispania et [Gallia et a Dalmjateis. 
Parthos trium exercitum Eoman[o]rum spolia et 
signa re[ddere] mihi supplicesque amicitiam populi 
Eomani petere coegi. ea autem si[gn]a in penetrali, 
quod e[s]t in templo Martis Ultoris, reposui." 1 The 
standards recovered from the Dalmatians (in 33 B.C.) 
were those which had been lost in 48 by Gabinius 
and in 44 by Yatinius. Of those recovered from 
Spaniards and Gauls we know no more than Augustus 
tells us. The three armies defeated by the Parthians 
were those commanded by Crassus (in 5 3), and by the 
legates of M. Antonius, L. Decidius Saxa in 40, and 
Oppius Statianus in 36. The Parthians, threatened 
by Augustus with war, handed over to Tiberius 
the standards which they had retained, as well as 
some prisoners. 2 Augustus celebrated their recovery 
with great pomp ; among other things, he erected the 
triumphal arch which is represented on the aureus 
No. 89. The standards themselves were placed in the 
temple of Mars the Avenger. By this, in the passage 


1 Mon. Anc. c. 29. Cp. Cassius Dio (liv. 8) : c<poV /xc'ya, Ae'ywv 


2 Sueton. Divus Aug. 21 ; Tib. 9; Cass. Dio, liv. 8. 



quoted from the Will of Augustus, is undoubtedly 
meant the Temple in the Forum of Augustus. But 
as that was not finished until the year 2 B.C., the 
standards must have been placed elsewhere in the 
meantime. A small shrine of the god was erected on 
the Capitol in 20 B.C., and it is definitely stated by 
Cassius Dio 1 that it was meant for the reception of 
the standards. Both Horace and Propertius, however, 
seem to imply that they were dedicated to Jupiter : 

Tua, Caesar, aetas . . . 
signa nostro restituit lovi 
derepta Parthorum superbis 

(Hor. Carm. iv. 16. 6.) 

Adsuescent Latio Partha tropaea lovi. 

(Prop. iii. (iv.) 4. 6.) 

It is accordingly tempting to assume that they 
found a temporary resting-place in the Temple of 
Jupiter on the Capitol. But, on the other hand, we 
have the definite assertion of Dio just cited. At first 
sight it would appear that the passages of Horace and 
Propertius cannot be regarded as good evidence 
against the statement of the historian. But they are 
not really contradictory. The historian only says that 
Augustus decreed the erection of a temple on this 
occasion ; but the standards must have been kept 
somewhere pending its completion. Has the temple 
of Jupiter Feretrius more claim to consideration as the 

1 Liv. 8. 



temporary resting-place of the standards than the small 
shrine of Mars Ultor on the Capitol ? Let us examine 
the coins. 

fc Of the few coins chosen here, out of the many which 
commemorate this achievement, the first (No. 87) was 
struck in the East, possibly at Pergamum. 1 The second 
(No. 88), on the other hand, is of Eoman fabric. The 
war-god carries a legionary eagle in one hand, a mani- 
pular standard in the other. Both kinds of standards 
are, of course, included in the general term signum. 
This coin was probably struck on the return of 
Augustus to Eome in 19 B.C. i These pieces do not 
assist us to decide the question of the temples. But 
on No. 90 (also struck in Eome at the same time as 
No. 88), we see a circular-domed temple of Mars Ultor. 
Now Borghesi 2 and Mommsen 3 regard this type as 
an anticipatory representation of the greater temple 
eventually dedicated in the Forum of Augustus. 
There is, of course, nothing improbable in the sug- 
gestion that the type should thus anticipate the 
completion of the temple which had been vowed 
during the campaign of Philippi. 4 But one thing is 
very clear from the remains of the temple itself, and 
that is that it was not circular, but an octastyle 

1 E. Gabrici, Numi&m. di Augusto in Milani's Studi e Materidli, ii. 

2 (Euvres, ii., p. 379. 

8 Res gest. div. Aug. p. 126. 

4 See supra, p. 114. n. 1. 



peripteros. 1 Obviously then, either the representation, 
if it is meant for the temple in the Forum of Augustus, 
is quite imaginary, or else the original plans were 
completely altered when it came to building. But 
neither alternative is so reasonable as the supposition 
that in the temple on the coins of 19 B.C. we have the 
shrine which Augustus built on the Capitol, hard by 
the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, as a temporary resting- 
place to receive the standards until they should be 
transferred to a more permanent abode. 2 

This being so, the references by Horace and 
Propertius to Jupiter must be taken in a general 
sense, as indicating merely that the standards were 
placed on the Capitol, which was especially associated 
with Jupiter. 

19 B.C. 

91. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, IMP IX TR 


Rev. Fa9ade of a hexastyle temple, inscribed on 
architrave ROM ETAVGVST; across field, 

Silver " cistophoric medallion." 11 '92 grammes (184 grains). 
British Museum. 

The date of this piece is fixed, by the titles given 
to Augustus on the obverse, to 19 B.C. The coin 

1 See, for instance, the plan in Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, p. 305. 

2 So Eichter in Baumeister's Denlcmciler, iii. p. 1480 ; A. Schneider, 
das alte Rom, PI. viii. 12. 



itself is one of a class l which corresponded in weight 
and purpose to the cistophori which had long been the 
chief silver currency of the province of Asia. 2 The 
old cistophoric types gradually disappeared ; thus on 
a piece issued in the name of M. Antonius, about 
39 38 B.C., the ivy-wreath, snakes and cista mystica 
still remain, but on the obverse we have the head of 
M. Antonius in the wreath, while the cista is trans- 
ferred to the reverse, where with the head of Octavia 
it occupies the place of the old bow- case. On a piece 
of Octavian, struck in 28 B.C., the only relic of the 
old types is the cista, used as an adjunct in the field of 
the reverse. 

Although it was no new thing for the different 
cities of a province to send representatives to a 
common assembly for some definite purpose, Augustus 
is rightly credited with having first organized the 
Koivov 'Ao-tas (commune Asiae) in the form which 
it was to maintain for nearly three centuries. The 
assembly met periodically, and its object was above all 
to celebrate the joint cult of Kome and Augustus. 
Once their religious functions had been fulfilled, the 
members could proceed to deliberate on matters of 
politics interesting the province. In the. province of 
Asia there was one supreme high priest of this cult, 

1 On which see E. Gabriel, Numism. di Augusto, in Milani's Studi e 
Materiali, ii. 

2 Hist. Gr. Coins, p. 138 f. 



known simply as apx^pws 'Ao-tas. In addition, how- 
ever, there were a certain number of apx^pcis 'Ao-ias, 
each of whom was attached to the temple of the 
KOLVOV in the various cities which possessed such 
temples : thus we have an apxieptvs 'Ao-i'ay va&v T>V Zv 
ne/>ya/xa>. Pergamum , indeed, was the first city in which 
a temple of Borne and Augustus was erected at the 
expense of the province; and it is probably this 
Pergamene temple that is represented on our coin. 
Not improbably also the occasion for the issue of this, 
and other coins connected with it, was the dedication 
of the temple. 1 Other cities at which the assembly is 
known to have met are Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardis, 
Cyzicus, Laodicea and Philadelphia. This provincial 
cult was the focus of the official religion of the 
provinces during the first three centuries of the 
Empire, and its importance cannot be exaggerated as 
a public expression of the relations between the 
provinces and Borne. Its organization was one of the 
most masterly achievements of Augustus. 

CIRCA 19 B.C. 

92. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, AVGVSTTVS1. 

Rev. Armenian tiara, bow-case with bow and 

quiver with arrows ; above and below, 


Silver denarius. 3'76 grammes (58 grains). British Museum. 

1 Grabrici, op. dt. p. 15. 
H.R.C. L 145 


Artaxias, who succeeded to the throne of Armenia, 
when his father Artavasdes was taken prisoner by 
M. Antonius in 34 B.C., had a troubled reign of some 
14 years. His brother Tigranes, who had also 
fallen into the hands of Antonius, had passed into the 
possession of Augustus. When Augustus was in the 
East, actually preparing an expedition against 
Artaxias, 1 the Armenians begged that Tigranes 
might be sent back to rule over them. While the 
young prince was on his way, conducted by Tiberius, 
Artaxias was murdered by his subjects. " Armenian! 
maiorem," says Augustus in his Will, 2 " interfecto rege 
eius Artaxe c[u]m possem facere provinciam, malui 
maiorum nostrorum exemplo regn[u]m id Tigrani 
regis Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigranis regis, 
per T[i. Ne]ronem trad[er]e, qui turn mihi priv[ig]nus 
erat. et eandem gentem postea d[esc]iscentem et 
rebellantem domit[a]m per Gaium filium meum 
regi Ario[barz]ani regis Medorum Artaba[zi] filio 
regendam tradidi et post e[ius] mortem filio eius 
Artavasdi. quo [inte]rfecto [Tigra]ne(m), qui erat ex 
regio genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id re[gnum] 
/ The denarius before us is generally supposed 

1 On this sojourn in the East, see Gabrici, II secondo Viaggio di 
Augusto in Oriente, Naples, 1900, and the same writer's Numismatica 
di Augusto in Milani's Studi t Materiali, ii. 

2 Man. Anc. c. 27 ; cp. Tac. Ann. ii. 3 ; Veil. Paterc. ii. 94 ; Case. 
Dio, liv. 9. 



to refer to the occasion when Tiberius occupied 
Armenia in force, and the country accepted a king at 
the hands of Augustus. The fabric of the coin shows 
that it was struck in the East ; and there is much to 
be said for the suggestion that the mint was Pergamum, 
and the occasion the dedication of the temple of Eome 
and Augustus which had been begun nine years 
earlier. 1 

The types explain themselves : the bow and arrows 
of the Armenian soldiery, and the Armenian royal 
tiara, 2 a tall head-dress with dentated crown. The 
latter varies in some details from the tiara worn by 
Tigranes the Great on his coins 3 that, for instance, 
has flaps hanging down on to the shoulders but in 
general form it is the same. 

Some of the coins commemorating the events in 
Armenia use, instead of "recepta," the form " capta." 
It is possible that the coins with " recepta " are the 
earlier, and that the form " capta" was an afterthought, 
for " recepta " recalled the fact of the previous 
subjugation of Armenia by M. Antonius, whose 
exploits it was not to the purpose of Augustus to 
glorify. 4 

1 Gabrici, Numi&m. di Augusto, p. 15. 

2 Cp. the coins of M. Antonius, above, No. 81. 
8 Hist. Or. Coins, PL xiii. 96. 

4 Gabrici, op. cit., p. 12. 

L2 147 


17 B.C. 

93. Obv. Head of Augustus r. laureate ; around, IMP* 


Rev. Augustus seated 1. on a platform inscribed 
LVD-S; he hands an object, taken from a 
basket at his feet, to one of two togate 
figures standing before him ; in exergue, 

Aureus. 8'01 grammes (123-6 grains). B.M.O. II., p. 53, No. 


94. Obv. Head of Augustus r. laureate; around CAE 


Rev. A cippus inscribed IMP CAES AVG LVD 
SAEC ; across field, XV S'F ; around [L' 


Silver denarius. 3'47 grammes (53*5 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 54, 

No. 4488. 

Since Augustus is described on the former of these 
coins as holding the tribunician power for the eighth 
time, its date is fixed to the year 16 B.C. We know 
nothing of the money er L. Mescinius Eufus ; for there 
is some difficulty in identifying him with the man of 
that name who was Cicero's quaestor in Cilicia in 51, 
and served under Cassius in Asia in 43. Augustus, 
as master of the college of quindecimviri sacris faciundis, 
celebrated the secular games for the college in the 


consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus, 1 i.e., in 
17 B.C., the year preceding the issue of the coins of 
Mescinius. The letters XV S F- on No. 94 are pro- 
bably to be taken as referring to Augustus, xvvir 
sacris faciundis, rather than to the whole college of 
xvviri. They were, as a matter of fact, for this special 
occasion at least twenty-one in number, and their 
names are preserved. 2 Augustus, in the Monumentum 
Ancyranum, mentions Agrippa as his colleague. 
Agrippa, nevertheless, was not one of the five magistri 
of the college, whose names are preserved elsewhere. 3 

Before the games began, the quindecimviri, seated 
on platforms, distributed to the people purificatories 
for fumigation. These were known as purgamenta or 
suffimento) and their distribution is illustrated on the 
reverse of No. 93, with the inscription Aug(ustus) 
suf(fimenta) p(opulo dedit). The purification was 
effected by the burning of torches with sulphur and 
bitumen ; only after this had been done were the 
people fit to partake in the festival. 

Other features of the festival are alluded to on 
other coins of Augustus. Thus, on aurei and denarii 
of M. Sanquinius, dating from 12 B.C., there is repre- 
sented the herald who proclaimed the festival; he 
wears a helmet decorated with two long plumes, and 

1 Mon. Anc. ch. xxii. Mommsen, Res gest., pp. 91 f. 

2 Eph. Epigr. viii. pp. 240 ff. 

3 Fasti Capitolini, C. I. L. i. p. 442. 



carries a caduceus and a circular shield. On other 
pieces, probably struck in the year of the games, two 
priests (perhaps Augustus with another person) are 
occupied in sacrifice at the altar. Further light is 
thrown on the various ceremonies by the coinage of 
Domitian, who celebrated the secular games for the 
sixth time in his fourteenth consulship (A.D. 88). 1 

17 .B.C. 

95. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, S-P-QR-IMP. 


Rev. Triumphal arch with two openings on a 
viaduct or bridge ; on the arch, Augustus, 
crowned by Victory, standing in a car 
drawn by two elephants ; around, QVOD 

Aureus. 7'83 grammes (120-8 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 39, No. 

96. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, AVOVSTVS 


Rev. On a cippus, the inscription [S*P]Q-R* 
EAP-Q-ISI AD ADE; around, 

Silver denarius. 4'03 grammes (62-2 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 49, 
No. 4471. 

1 The whole of the material relating to the history of the secular 
games has been collected by Mommsen and Dressel in Eph. Epigr. viii. 
pp. 225 315, and by 0. AVasiner, Ludi Saeculares (Warsaw, 1901, in 



The restoration of the great Italian roads is one of 
the most important public works which stand to the 
credit of Augustus. In his Will 1 he records that in 
his seventh consulship (i.e., 727 A.U.C. = 27 B.C.) he 
restored the Flaminian Way from the city to 
Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian 
and the Minucian. An inscription on the arch at 
Ariminum records that it was erected in honour of 
Augustus, "v[ia flamnfjia [et reliquei]s celeberrimeis 
Italiae vieis consilio [et sumptib]us [eius mu]niteis." 2 
Further, we know from Cassius Dio 3 that in com- 
memoration of the work statues of Augustus were 
set up on the bridge over the Tiber and in 

The inscription on the second of our two coins is to 
be expanded: S(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) E(omanus) 
Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) quod v(iae) m(unitae) s(unt) 
ex ea p(ecunia) q(uam) is ad a(erarium) de(tulit). 
This must be one of the four occasions mentioned by 
Augustus in his Will (chap. 17), in which he came to 
the assistance^of the treasury. Mommsen 4 draws a 
distinction between money thus given by Augustus out 
of his private purse, and money obtained by the sale 
of booty (manubiae) and devoted to public works. It 
was out of such pecunia manubialis that the Temple of 

1 Oh. 20 ; Mommsen, Res gest. p. 86. 

2 Of. Suet. Aug. 30. 

3 LIII. 22. 

* Op. cit. p. 66. 



Mars Ultor was built, 1 and the Flaminian "Way 
restored. 2 It would follow, if Mommsen is right, that 
the grant made by Augustus to the treasury, and 
commemorated on the cippus on No. 96, was not 
identical with the money expended by him on the 
Flaminian Way. However this may be and the 
distinction appears to be somewhat over-subtle it 
seems probable that the triumphal arch erected on a 
viaduct or bridge, represented on No. 95, is one of 
those erected on the Flaminian "Way. Whether it is 
the arch on the Mulvian bridge (the bridge over the 
Tiber mentioned by Dio), or some other, we can 
hardly decide. But it can scarcely be meant for the 
arch at Kimini, which has but a single opening. And 
the road on which it stands looks more like a viaduct 
than a bridge. 

In any case, the aureus. No. 95, commemorating 
though it does an event of 27 B.C., was nevertheless not 
struck until ten years later ; for it belongs to a class 
which are assignable on various good grounds to 
17 B.C. The denarius. No. 96, again, is dated by the 
fact that Augustus held the tribunicia potestas for the 
seventh time in 17 16 B.C. 3 

We may assume that the year 17 B.C. saw the 

1 Mon. Anc. ch, xxi. 

2 Suet. Aug. 30 : desumpta sibi Flaminia via Arimino terms rtmnienda 
reliquas triumplialibiis viris e manubiali pecunia sternendas distribuit. 

3 Another coin of Vinicius is dated TE, POT. VIII, i.e., in 16 B.C., 
but late in the year. 



completion of the work of restoring the roads which had 
been begun in 27 B.C. Probably the Flaminian Way 
was finished early in the period ; but when the general 
completion of the works was commemorated the road 
especially associated with Augustus naturally figured 
on the coins. 

Other triumphal arches are commemorated on coins 
of the same date. Thus we have one resembling in 
every particular that already described, except that 
the car of Augustus is drawn by four horses. There 
is another (see No. 89) of quite a different character 
associated with the recovery of the standards (CIVIB* 
ably only the former belonged to the Flaminian "Way. 

CIRCA 15 B.C. 

97. Obv. Oak wreath between two laurel-branches ; 

inscription OB CIVIS SERVATOS. 
Rev. The letters S'C surrounded by the inscrip- 


Brass sestertius. 27'11 grammes (418-4 grains). B.M.C. II., 
p. 58, No. 4501. 

98. Obv. Oak wreath ; inscription AVGVSTVS 


Rev. Similar to No. 97, but without C'F. 

Brass dupondius. S'28 grammes (127'8 grains). B.M.C. II., 
p. 59, No. 4505. 



99. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, CAESAR 


Rev. Similar to No. 97, but without OF. 

Copper as. 11-15 grammes (172-0 grains). B.M.O. II. , p. 59, 
No. 4507. 

100. Obv. Cornucopiae between S C ; around, 

Rev. Coin anvil, wreathed; around, IITVIR* 

Copper quadrans. 3*37 grammes (52*1 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 76, 
No. 4577. 

The four coins represent the four denominations 
which were instituted by Augustus. The quadrans 
was never issued in large quantities ; but the three 
higher denominations persisted for nearly three cen- 
turies. To modern eyes, time having covered the 
surfaces of the majority of coins with a deceptive 
patina, the distinction between the dupondius and 
the as is usually imperceptible. But from analysis, 
combined with a statement of Pliny, 1 we know 
that the sestertius and the dupondius were of brass 
and the as and the quadrans 2 of copper. The deno- 
minations, as will be seen from Nos. 97 100, are 

1 H. N. xxxiv. 2. 4 : the copper of Corduba contains, after that of 
the Livian mines, the greatest proportion of zinc and equals the 
quality of orichakum (artificial brass) in sestertii and dupondii, while 
the asses are of pure copper. For various analyses, see Mommsen- 
Blacas, iii. p. 38; Grueber in Num. Cliron. 1904, p. 244. 

a Usually these small coins (like No. 100) have been called semisses ; 
but they never exceed in weight a quarter of an as (Grueber, Num. 
Chron. 1904, p. 241). Although weight counts for little in this token 
coinage, it seems more probable that they are quadrantes. 


1'L. XI}- 

Nos. 89100. 


distinguished by their obverse types, although these 
were not adhered to for long. The quadrans, which 
was not struck by C. Cassius, is illustrated from a 
specimen bearing the names of the triumvirs Clodius 
Pulcher, Statilius Taurus, and Livineius Eegulus, 
who are assigned by Ct. de Salis and Mr. Grueber 
to the year 13 B.C. The date of the coins of Cassius 
is uncertain, but they serve as well as any other to 
indicate the denominations introduced by Augustus 
when he revived the bronze coinage. There is a 
general agreement among numismatists in dating 
this revival in the year 15 B.C. Opinions differ, 
however, as to the year in which Augustus first 
allowed the monetary magistrates to place their names ' 
on the gold and silver coinage ; the earliest date 
suggested is 20 B.C., the latest 16 B.C. Tor our 
purposes the fact of chief importance is the intro- 
duction of the new brass and copper currency. It 
will be noticed that, besides the names of the triumvir 
a(ere) a(rgento) a(uro) f(lando) f(eriundo), all these new 
coins bear the letters S'C* (Senatus Consulto) in a 
prominent form. In other words, they record the fact 
that Augustus, while keeping the coinage of gold and 
silver in his own hands, gave to the Senate the privi- ' 
lege of striking the baser metals. 1 This the Senate 

1 For certain exceptions, in the shape of coins in these metals which, 
not bearing the letters S.C., appear to have been struck by imperial 
authority, see Strack in Banner Jahrbiicher, 111 112, p. 435. Cp. also 
F. Gnecchi, in Riv. Ital. di Numism., 1908, p. 526. 



retained until the middle of the third century, when 
the silver coinage had become so degraded that it could 
not, as a rule, be distinguished from copper or brass. 

We are accustomed, owing to the resemblance in 
size between the dupondius and its half, the as, to 
regard the system inaugurated by Augustus as 
singularly unpractical. But, as we have seen, the 
two denominations, when fresh, were easily distin- 
guished by their metal, with a certain amount of 
assistance drawn from the variation in their types. 
Apart from this, however, these coins were all tokens, 
representing an arbitrary value. The normal weight 
of the sestertius from Augustus to Elagabalus was 
kept, with considerable regularity, at one Eoman 
ounce (27*29 grammes); the dupondius and as seem 
to have weighed the same, viz., half an ounce. The 
aureus was equivalent to 25 silver denarii; the 
denarius to 4 sesterces of brass; the sesterce to 4 asses 
of copper. Since the aureus of this period was ^ lb., 
the denarius -^ lb., the sesterce ^ lb., and the as 
-^ lb. in weight, we obtain the following relations 
between the metals, as expressed in the coinage : 
Gold to silver as 12-5 to 1. 

,, brass 350 ,, 1. 

copper ,, 700 1. 
Silver to brass ,, 28 ,,1. 

copper 56 1. 
Brass to 2 ,,1. 


In the case of the relations of the nobler to the baser 
metals, this could hardly have represented intrinsic 
value ; probably the sestertii and smaller denominations 
were minted at something like double their actual value. 1 

One element of the reform of Augustus was of 
brief duration. The privilege which the moneyers 
enjoyed of placing their names on the coins was 
withdrawn after 3 B.C. We do not know why it was 
taken away, any more than we know why it was 
granted in the first place. It was possibly a con- 
cession to republican feeling. Although the types 
and legends usually have direct reference to Augustus, 
we have on some coins types which recall the good 
old days when moneyers commemorated their family 
history. Thus L. Aquillius Florus represents his 
ancestor M' Aquillius supporting Sicily, a fainting 
woman ; another type is the three-legged symbol of 
Sicily. Both refer to the suppression by M' Aquillius 
of the slave revolt in 100 B.C. Allusions of this kind, 
however, are excluded from the brass and copper 
coinage. One may regard them as concessions made 
by Augustus to the moneyers working under his 
direct control. 2 

1 On this whole question see Mommsen-Blacas, iii. pp. 42 48. 

2 Moneyers who issued gold or silver in this period very rarely 
issued brass or copper, and vice versa. The only exceptions are 
M. Sanquinius and P. Licinius Stolo. It is possible, therefore, that 
the triumvirs were divided into two classes, one imperial, the other 



10 B.C. 

101. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 


Rev. Altar, surmounted by eight objects of 
uncertain significance, and decorated in 
front with a wreath between two small 
figures (?) holding laurel branches ; on 
either side, on a column, a Yictory 
holding a wreath and a palm branch ; in 
exergue, ROMETAVQ. 

Bronze. 11'02 grammes (170 grains). British Museum. 

102. Obv. Head of Augustus 1., laureate ; behind, 

Rev. Similar to No. 101. 

Bronze. 4*40 grammes (67*9 grains). Cabinet des Medailles, 
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 

103. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 


Rev. Similar to preceding. 

Brass. 24-76 grammes (382-2 grains). British Museum. 

The great altar of Lyon was inaugurated by the 
Gaulish chiefs, in honour of Eoma and Augustus, on 
1st Aug., 10 B.C. 1 It is well known that Augustus 
allowed no cultus of himself alone, apart from Koma ; 

1 See Toutain, in Rec. des Mem. de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France, 
Centenaire, 1904, pp. 455 459, where the date 12 B.C. is disposed of. 



accordingly this altar, the focus of Bomanism in Gaul, 
was always known as the ara Eomae et Augusti. It 
was associated with the concilium of the Tres Galliae, 
sometimes called the conventus arensis. The concilium 
was the earliest assembly of the kind (corresponding 
to the Greek KOLVO) to be founded in the "West. It 
was attended at first by representatives of 60, after- 
wards of 64 Gaulish civitates. 1 The provincial priest, 
who presided over the concilium, held the title sacerdos 
Romae et Augusti ad confluentes Araris et Rhodani; and 
his most important function was the conduct of the 
festival which took place on 1st Aug., consisting of a 
grand procession, prayers and sacrifice for Roma and 
the Emperor, a banquet and athletic contests. 

There can be no doubt that the erection represented 
on the coins Nos. 101 103 is meant for the altar, 
although an attempt has been made to disprove the 
current interpretation. 2 The wreath (corona civica) 
between the laurel branches conveys an obvious 
allusion to Augustus (see No. 85) ; the same decora- 
tion is found on the altar of the Genius Augusti at 
Pompeii. 3 No satisfactory explanation has, however, 

1 On the numbers, see Ferrero, Orandezza e Decadenza di Roma, v. 
p. 71. On the organization of the Tres Galliae the latest writer is 
Hirschfeld in Klio, 1908. 

2 Willers in Numism. Zeitschr. xxxiv. (1902) maintains that it is 
the ovarium of the circus at Lugdunum ; see the reply to his article in 
Rev. Numism. 1904, pp. 46 ff. by Poncet and Morel, and in Banner 
JahrMcher, 111, 112, pp. 442 f. by Max L. Strack. 

3 Overbeck-Mau, Pompeii, 118 f. 



been found for the two objects (if they are not meant 
for small figures) flanking the laurel branches, or for 
the objects on the top of the altar. 

In addition to the series of coins (such as No. 101) 
issued at the time of the inauguration of the altar, 
there is a second series (to which No. 103 belongs) 
issued after Augustus had received the title Pater 
Patriae, i.e., after 3 B.C. Finally, there exists a small 
bronze coin (No. 102) having the altar on the reverse, 
and a laureate head of Augustus on the obverse, with 
a caduceus behind it. 1 It has recently been main- 
tained that the festival of the three Gauls was 
celebrated at Lugdunum on 1st Aug., because that 
was the date of the festival of the Gaulish Mercurius, 
and Augustus had been received into the Gaulish 
Pantheon in the character of that god. The coin 
seems to give some confirmation to this view. 2 

9 B.C. 

104. Olv. Head of Nero Drusus 1., wearing oak 
wreath; around, NERO CLAVDIVS 

1 Unfortunately much worn, so as hardly to repay reproduction. 

2 See R. Mowat, Proces-verlaux de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France, 20 
Avr. 1904; the theory of Augustus and the Gaulish Mercurius is 
Otto Hirschfeld's (Rec. des Mem. de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France, 
Centenaire, 1904, pp. 211 f.). 



Rev. A triumphal arch, surmounted by an 
equestrian statue of Drusus, charging r. 
with spear couched, between two trophies, 
each with a captive at its foot ; inscription, 
Aureus. 7'69 grammes (118'7 grains). British Museum. 

Nero Drusus, the younger brother of Tiberius, and 
the Tavourite stepson of Augustus, died on 14th Sept., 
9 B.C., as the result of a fall from his horse on his way 
from the Elbe to the Khine. His body was brought to 
Rome, his brother Tiberius walking all the way beside 
the bier, and his memory was honoured in an unpre- 
cedented manner. A splendid funeral was partial 
compensation for the triumph of which death had 
robbed him. A cenotaph was erected to him on the 
Rhine, near Moguntiacum, and a marble triumphal 
arch on the Via Appia. The Senate ordered the 
setting up of various statues, and granted to him and 
to his descendants the name of Germanicus. 

The triumphal arch and the name Germanicus 
are both recorded on the aureus No. 104. This coin 
and all the others relating to Drusus are obviously 
posthumous ; the question is whether they were struck 
immediately after his death, or much later. Owing, 
presumably, to the fact that a coin with the portrait 
of Drusus was struck by his son Claudius after he 
became Emperor, it has been supposed that all the 
pieces referring to the German victories date from the 

H.R.C. M 161 


reign of Claudius. It is true that some of them bear 
a portrait, the treatment of which recalls the style of 
the coins of Claudius ; this is the case with the aurei 
inscribed DE GERMAN IS in full (on a triumphal arch 
or around a trophy of arms). Our aureus with the 
shorter inscription, however, shows a broad treatment 
of the head which seems earlier, and it may well have 
been struck under Augustus or Tiberius. 

CIRCA 7 6 B.C. 

105. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 

KAIZA[POZ ZEJBAZTOY ; fillet border. 
Eev. The Tyche of Antioch, wearing turreted 
crown, seated r. on rock ; she holds palm 
branch ; at her feet, half -figure of the 
river Orontes swimming ; around, ETOYZ 
crK N I KHZ, and in field, YF1 (in monogram) 
IB and monogram of ANTIOX. 

Silver stater. 14'88 grammes (229'6 grains). B.M.O. Oalatia, 
p. 166, No. 131. 

106. Obv. IMP-AVGVST TR'POT. Head of Augustus 

r., laureate ; beneath head, /\E (i n mono- 
gram, retrograde). 
Eev. S'C* within laurel wreath. 

Bronze. 17-43 grammes (269 grains). B.M.C. Oalatia, etc., p. 166, 
No. 128. 

The policy generally adopted by the Emperors from 
Augustus onwards, in regard to the bronze currency 


of the Eastern provinces, was to leave the control 
in local hands. The municipal coinages sufficed for 
all ordinary purposes. The city of Antioch, however, 
was one of the three great cities of the Eastern 
provinces in which the Emperors established mints 
which played a special part in producing provincial 
currency. At Alexandria, the capital of the Imperial 
province of Egypt, the control of the coinage, both 
bronze and silver, remained entirely in Imperial hands ; 
there was no municipal coinage. Augustus, in fact, 
simply continued the Ptolemaic system ; his first 
Alexandrian pieces, issued in the period 30 27 B.C., 
are merely a continuation of the coinage of Cleopatra, 
with the same reverse types and the same marks of 
value. In a province which was peculiarly Imperial, 
the Senate naturally would be allowed no part in the 
coinage. At the mint of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 
which supplied the silver coinage for the greater 
part of Eastern Asia Minor, there is again no sign 
of Senatorial control. But at Antioch, the political 
and military centre of the Syrian province, the exten- 
sive and varied coinage falls into two or three classes. 
We have, first, an Imperial silver coinage (No. 105) 
with the portrait of Augustus, the date (calculated 
from the " Victory," i.e., according to the Actian era, 
and by the Emperor's consulship 1 ), and a representa- 
tion of the famous figure of the Tyche of Antioch 

1 The abbreviation YET is for VTTOLTOV. 

M 2 163 


by Euty chides of Sicyon. Again, there is a bronze 
coinage commemorating the assumption by Augustus 
of some high priesthood (whether the office of Pontifex 
Maximus or some local Antiochene dignity we do 
not know). But this coinage has a more definitely 
local character than the other, on which at first the 
name of Antioch does not appear at all. The inscrip- 
tions on these two classes are in Greek. The third 
class of coins with the head of Augustus is illustrated 
by No. 106. There is yet another small class of 
bronze coins, without the Emperor's head, but with 
the names of the legates of the province, Yarus 
(7 4 B.C.) and Saturninus (4 5 A.D.). 1 The reverse of 
No. 106 tells its own tale ; the coin in fact corre- 
sponds to the brass and copper coins introduced at 
the Koman mint by Augustus in 15 B.C. At what 
date, however, the Senatorial mint was established 
at Antioch it is difficult to determine. In 14 B.C. 
Augustus founded the colony of Berytus, and it might 
be urged that the organization of the mint at Antioch 
dates from the same period. But the coinage itself 
does not, apparently, begin until later ; the first of 
the silver coins above mentioned is of the 26th year 
of the Actian era ; i.e., 6 5 B.C. The first coin with 
the name of Yarus is of the preceding year, 7 6 B.C. 
The coins commemorating the high priesthood of 

1 On these various bronze issues, see Macdonald in Numism, Chron, 
1904, pp. 105 f. 


Augustus begin in 5 4 B.C., that is to say in the 
year when Yarns' s tenure of office came to an end, 
and some change was evidently made in the arrange- 
ments of the mint. These " archieratic " coins con- 
tinued to be issued down to year 31 of the Actian 
era ( = 1 B.C. 1 A.D.), ceasing at the same time as 
the silver coins with the figure of Tyche. These two 
issues of silver and bronze were thus, as Macdonald 
remarks, closely connected. As the Senatorial coinage 
is not likely to have been permitted before the Imperial, 
we may date the organization of the mint about? 6 B.C. 
There is nothing on the coin No. 106 itself to prove 
its attribution to the mint of Antioch. But the pro- 
venance of coins of this class is Syrian ; and a chain of 
numismatic evidence, which we cannot follow here, links 
these coins to others which are certainly Antiochene. 


107. Obv. Head of Gains Cresar r. ; below, CAESAR ; 

all in oak wreath. 

Rev. An incense altar, with lion's feet and ram's 
heads as decoration ; around, a wreath 
containing flowers, paterae and bucrania ; 
across field, AVGVST. 

Aureus. 7-96 grammes (122-8 grains). B.M.O. IL, p. 42, No. 4468. 

This aureus, with the corresponding denarius, was 
assigned by Count de Salis to the mint of Eome and 



the year 17 B.C., in which Augustus adopted Gaius and 
Lucius, the sons of Agrippa by Julia. Now as Gaius 
was born in 734 A.U.C. = 20 B.C., he was only three years 
old at that time ; his brother Lucius was still younger, 
having been born a few days before the adoption. The 
person whose head is represented on our coin must, 
however, have been at least in his teens at the time 
when the coin was struck ; a fact which it is difficult to 
reconcile with the date and interpretation given to the 
coin by De Salis. Further, had the piece been issued 
to celebrate the adoption of Gaius, we should have 
expected to find his brother represented on the same 
or on an analogous coin. But this one stands alone. 

It seems, therefore, that we must look somewhat 
later in the life of Gaius for the event which the coin 
commemorates. Before proceeding further, however, 
it is well to face any doubts we may have as to the 
identity of the person represented. It is just possible, 
but hardly probable, that the word CAESAR does not 
refer to the portrait, but is to be read with the word 
AVGVST which comes on the reverse. Even so, 
however, the portrait must represent some youth in 
intimate relationship with Augustus ; and the choice 
lies between Gaius and Lucius. And Gaius, being 
the elder, is more likely to have been represented 
alone than his brother. 

In his Will 1 Augustus says, " Gaium et Lucium 

1 Mon. Anc. ch. xiv. (Mominsen, Res gest* pp 51 f ) 



Caesares honoris mei caussa senatus populusque 
Eomanus annum quintum et decimum agentis consules 
designavit, ut [e]um magistratum inirent post quin- 
quennium, et ex eo die, quo deducti [s]unt in forum, 
ut interessent consiliis publicis decrevit sena[t]us." 

The deductio in forum took place early in 749 = 
5 B.C. 1 perhaps, as Mommsen says, on 1st January. 
L. Caesar did not receive the toga virilis until three 
years later. But the designation of Gains as consul 
did not necessarily take place at the same time as the 
deductio in forum? Some decent interval probably 
elapsed. It is to this interval that we may, perhaps, 
without rashness, assign the coin before us. Now Dio 
tells us, 3 in connexion with the admission of Gaius to 
public affairs, that he received Icpcoa-uvrjv nvd. In 
this statement we may find an explanation of our 
reverse type. The thymiaterium or incense altar and 
the wreath the constituents of which are the ordinary 
decorations of Eoman altars 4 both indicate some 
priestly office, as surely as do the sacrificial imple- 
ments which are so common as reverse types on 
Eoman coins. 

So far as our information goes, there is no objection 
to the date here suggested for this aureus. Placed 

1 Sueton. Aug. 26 ; Zonar. 10. 35 : 12th consulship of Augustus. 

2 Mommsen, Res gest. pp. 52 f . disposes of the current belief that 
Gaius was designated consul while still praetextatus. 

8 LV. 9. 

4 See Eeisch in Pauly-Wissowa, i. 1679. 



beside the coins of 17 B.C. it cannot be said that it 
looks "at home," even if the portrait could possibly 
be meant for a boy of three years. But if we bring 
it down to a later date, we cannot place it after the 
designation of Gaius as consul in 749 ; for such an 
honour would surely have been mentioned. 1 On the 
other hand, we can hardly put it before his assump- 
tion of the toga virilis early in that year, since we 
know of no occasion which would have justified the 
issue of a coin with his portrait before that event. 

The fabric of the coin is somewhat peculiar, and is 
unlike the Eoman fabric of the year to which De Salis 
assigned it ; nor does it fit well with the Eoman coins 
of the last ten years of the century. It is just possible 
that it was struck in Gaul. But if so, we are practi- 
cally compelled to date it three years earlier, i.e., to 
8 B.C., when Gaius accompanied Tiberius on his cam- 
paign against the Sugambri. In that case, some other 
explanation must be found for the reverse type. 


108. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate ; around, 

1 A fortiori, the coin cannot commemorate his death, which would 
have been in some way alluded to. 



Eev. Gains and Lucius standing to front, each 
veiled and togate, holding a spear and 
shield ; above, sacrificial ladle and lituus ; 
in exergue, CLCAESARES ; around, 

Aureus. 7 '79 grammes (120-2 grains). British Museum. 

" [Fil]ios meos, quos iuv[enes mi]hi eripuit 
for[tuna], Gaium et Lucium Caesares honoris mei 
caussa senatus populusque Eomanus annum quintum 
et decimum agentis consules designavit, ut [e]um 
magistratum inirent post quinquennium . . . equites 
[a]utem Eomani universi principem iuventutis 
utrumque eorum parm[is] et hastis argenteis donatum 
appellaverunt." * 

Augustus received the title of pater patriae on 
Feb. 5, 2 B.C. 2 C. Caesar had already in 5 B.C. been 
designated consul, to enter on his consulship in the 
fifth ensuing year, i.e., on Jan. 1, A.D. 1. This coin, 
therefore, since on it Augustus is called pater patriae , 
and Gaius is still consul designate, must have been 
struck between Feb. 5, 2 B.C. and Dec. 31, 1 B.C. 

The date of the acclamation of the two adopted 
sons of Augustus as principes iuventutis is not known. 
Mommsen inclines to the day on which they first laid 
aside the toga praetexta and appeared in public among 

1 Mon. Anc. ch. xiv. ; Mommsen, Res gest. pp. 51 f. 

2 Mon. Anc. ch. xxxv. 



the equites. That is of course the most probable 

The aureus, to judge from its inscription, seems to 
have been struck mainly to commemorate the honours 
heaped upon the two princes. L. Caesar assumed the 
toga virilis and became consul designate in 2 B.C., 
probably on Jan. I. 1 It is reasonable to suppose that 
the coin was issued in the course of the same year. 
It is a brief commentary on the passages from the 
Monumentum Ancyranum and from Cassius Dio 2 
relating to the entrance of the princes on public life. 
They are represented wearing the toga virilis; they 
are veiled, and sacrificial implements are placed beside 
them, to indicate that they held priestly offices, such 
as Dio mentions in connexion with Gaius. They 
have the silver shields and spears which the knights 
bestowed on them. 3 

As Mommsen has shown, the attainment of the 
dignity of princeps iuventutis was equivalent to 
nomination as successor to the reigning Emperor. 
These coins, then, must have served as a means of pro- 
claiming the choice of Augustus. They were struck 
in great numbers, both in gold and silver, and circu- 
lated widely, not only in the Boman Empire, but far 

1 Mommsen, Res gest. p. 52. 

a LIV. 18. 

8 Dio (Iv. 12), in describing the funeral ceremony of Gaius and 
Lucius says that these decorations were dedicated in the Senate house ; 
but he calls them golden. 


beyond its limits. They are frequently found in 

and it is a curious fact that the denarii from 
that source are nearly always of base metal plated 
with silver. Mommsen has accordingly suggested 2 
that they were purposely issued for trade with South 
India. However this may be, the Indians found them 
much to their liking, and barbarous imitations con- 
tinued to be made in considerable numbers for many 
years after the originals first appeared in India. It 
was not the custom of barbarians in antiquity to 
imitate coins of bad quality ; the two Greek currencies 
which were most imitated by barbarians were the 
excellent coinages of Athens and of Philip II. of 
Macedon. Here we have an exception to the general 
rule, which awaits explanation. 

A.D. 13. 

109. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 

Rev. Tiberius in a triumphal quadriga to r., 
holding a sceptre surmounted by an eagle 
and a laurel branch; around, TI'CAESAR 

Silver denarius. 3 '16 grammes (48 '7 grains). British Museum. 

1 See Num. Chron. 1898, p. 319. 

2 Mommsen -Blacas, iii. p. 337. 



The dangerous Illyrico-Pannonian revolt, which 
broke out in A.D. 6, provoked by the demands made 
upon the provincials in preparation for Tiberius' 
expedition against the Marcomanni, was not quelled 
until the autumn of A.D. 9. Cassius Dio records 1 that 
Augustus accepted a triumph for the conclusion of this 
war ; whether he is correct or not, 2 Tiberius at any 
rate was saluted imperator and granted a triumph and 
two triumphal arches in Pannonia. The titles " Panno- 
nicus " and " Invictus " which it was also proposed to 
give him were, however, disallowed by Augustus. 

The fearful disaster to the legions of Yarns pre- 
vented Tiberius from immediately enjoying the honour 
accorded to him. He left almost at once for the 
Ehine, and was occupied there until the end of A.D. 
12. Not until 16 Jan., A.D. 13 did he celebrate the 
long-delayed triumph. 

The date on this denarius and on corresponding 
aurei (trilunicia potestate xv.) is equivalent to the 
year A.D. 13 14, and the triumph commemorated is 
obviously the one with which we are concerned. The 
event is also commemorated on the magnificent cameo 
at Vienna, known as the Gemma Augustea, on which 
Tiberius is seen alighting from his chariot to greet 
Augustus. 3 


1 LVI. 17. 

2 See Mommsen, Res gestae, p. 19. 

8 Furtwangler, Ant. Gemmen, Taf. Ivi. 


Nos. loi 109. 


This the last "historical coin" in the present 
selection has brought us well into the Imperial period. 
The Eoman money, as we have seen (p. 121) has 
already borne an Imperial character for something 
like half a century. We stop on the threshold of an 
age in which the coinage is, if possible, still fuller of 
historical interest than we have found it during the 
three and a half centuries which we have surveyed. 



[Italicised entries represent inscriptions on coins. The numbers 
refer to pages of the textJ\ 

A. C., 67, 69 

Actium, victory of, 134 

Adfru. emu. ex S. C., 79 

Adramytteum, Senatus consultuin of, 78 

Aegusa, battle of (241 B.C.), 43 

Aemilia, Vestal, 121 

Aemilius Lepidus, M., moneyer (65 B.C.), 52 

Aemilius Lepidus, M., propraetor in Sicily (80 B.C.), 53 

Aemilius Lepidus, M., tutor of Ptolernaeus V., his career, 51 ff. 

Aemilius (M.), M. f. M. n. Scaurus, his campaign against Aretas, and 

his aedilician games, 98 
Aeneas carrying Anchises, 118, 121 
Aerarium populi Komani, 81, 83 
Aes grave of Campania, 11, 13 ; see also As. 
Aes rude, 14 
Aes signatum, 13 f. 
Africa, head of, 94 f . 
Africa, Pompeius in, 94 f . 

Agrippa : defeats Sex. Pompeius, 127 ; xvir sacris faciundis, 149 
A. Hirtius Pr., 107 
Alexandrea, 51 
Alexandria : coinage of, 163 ; head of, 51 ; M. Antonius triumphs at, 


Allies. See Social War. 

Altar of Lugdunum, 158. See also Incense altar. 
Antioch in Syria, coinage of, 162 f. 
Antium, subjection of, 4 
Anton, son of Hercules, 118, 121 
Antoni. Armenia devicta, 132 
Antoni. imp. a. xli., 124 



Antonius augur cos. des. Her. et tert., 131 

Antonius, M. : portraits of, 113, 118, 120, 131 f. ; his coinage as 
triumvir, 118 ; his legates in Gaul, 123 ff. ; birthday coins, 124 ; 
uses lion as badge (?), 125 ; his relations with Ventidius, 131 ; 
his Armenian expedition, 131 ff., 147 ; his expedition against 
Phraates, 132 ; his triumph at Alexandria, 132 ; bestows kingdoms 
on Cleopatra and her sons, 132 f . ; his cistophori, 144 

Anvil, 154 

Aplustre, alluding to naval victory, 122 

Apollo : head of, 9, 19, 24, 72, 89, 101 ; " ApoUo " series of aes grave, 

Apollonia : coins issued at, 105 f. ; " victoriati " of, 36 

Appian Way, completion of, 10, 13, 18 

Appuleius. See Saturninus. 

Aquillius, M', coins commemorating exploits of, 157 

Ara Komae et Augusti, 159 

Arches. See Triumphal. 

Aretas III., subjection of, 98 f. 

Argentum Publicum, 83 

Arg. Pub., 83 

Ariminum, arch at, 151 

Armenia : expedition of M. Antonius against, 131 ff. ; given to 
Alexander, son of Cleopatra, 132 ; recovered by Augustus, 145 f. ; 
Lesser, given to Polemo, 133 n. 

Armenia devicta, 132, 134 

Armenia recepta, 145 

Armenian : arms, 145, 147 ; tiara, 131 f., 145, 147 

Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 132 

Artaxias, king of Armenia, 146 

As : earliest libral, 6 f. ; reductions in, 21 ff., 30 f., 46 f. ; of Augustus, 
154, 156 

Asia, Commune of, organized by Augustus, 143 f. 

Aug. suf. p., 148 

August., 165 

Augustus, 136, 138, 145 

Augustus (see also Octavian) : portraits of, 136, 138 f., 143, 145, 148, 
150, 158, 162, 168, 171 ; receives oaken crown, laurels and golden 
shield, 137 ; recovers lost standards, 138 ff. ; builds shrine for 
them, 141 f. ; his temple of Mars Ultor, 140 f. ; organizes Com- 
mune Asiae, 144 f. ; celebrates secular games, 148 ; restores, 



public roads, 150 ff. ; reforms coinage, 153 ff. ; cult of, 158 ff. ; 

his monetary policy in the East, 163 ; receives title of " pater 

patriae," 169; declares G. and L. Caesares his successors, 170; 

will of, see Monumentum Ancyranum. 
Augustus tribunic. potest., 153 
Augustus tr. pot. vii., 150 
Aurei: of Caesar, 100 f., 104; of Pompeius, 94 f. ; of Sulla, 92 f. ; of 

the Triumvirs, 118 ff. See also Gold. 
Ausculum, battle of (279 B.C.), 26 
Axe, sacrificial, 101, 104 
A. xl., a. xli., 124 

BACCHANTE, head of, 85 

Barbarous imitations of Eoman coins, 171 

Basilica Aemilia, 52 f. 

Bellerophon and Pegasus, 110, 112 

Bellona, head of, 7, 18 

Bells on column of Augurinus, 64 

Beneventum : battle of, 26 ; mint of, 46 

Biga : of Luna, 56 ; of Victory, 56, 82 

Bigati, 60 

Bocchus surrenders Jugurtha, 70 f. 

Brass coinage of Augustus, 154 

" Bricks," quadrilateral, issued by Koman mint, 11, 14 ff., 26 

Bronze: its relation to silver, 5, 12, 17, 21 f., 29 ff., 48; ceremonia 

use of, 15 ; cessation of coinage in, 90. See also Aes. 
Brundusium, colony of, 31 
Brut, imp., 116 
Bruttian silver coinage, 35 
Brutus imp., 116 
Brutus (Q. Caepio), the tyrannicide, in Asia and Macedon, 116 f ; 

portrait, 116 
Bull goring wolf, 85, 87 
Buteo, 84 

Caesar, 101, 165 

Caesar Augustus, 136, 139 

Caesar Augustus Divif. Pater Patriae, 158, 168, 171 

Caesar Augustus tribunic. potest., 154 

Caesar Augustus tr. pot., 148 

H.K.C. N 177 


Caesar (C. lulius) : portrait of, 110, 112, 120; increases military 
stipendium, 49 ; returns to Eome (49 B.C.), 100 f. ; his fourfold 
triumph, 107 ff. ; founds Corinth, 110 ; murdered, 112 f. 
Caesar cos. vii. civibus servateis, 136 

Caesar Diet, perpetuo, 112 
Caesar Divif., 134 

Caesar pont. max., 158 

Caesarea in Cappadocia, coinage of, 163 

Caesares, Gaius et Lucius, 165 ff. 

Caldus. See Coelius. 

Caldus Illvir, 76 

Calendar, reformed in 191 B.C., 59 

Caleno, 9 

Calpurnius Piso, C., establishes Ludi Apollinares, 92 

Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, L., coin of, 79, 81 

Calpurnius Piso Frugi, L., coinage of, 91 

Campania : relations with Home in 4th cent., 4, 5 ; Eomanization 
of, 10 ff. 

Campanian : didrachm, 5,9; drachm superseded by victoriatus, 36 

Canting allusions, 61, 63 

Canusium, mint of, 46 

Cap of Liberty, 116 f. 

Capitol, Roman mint on, 8 

Capua : mint at, 9, 24 f., 35 ; Hannibal's coinage in, 50. See also 

Carthaginians : relations with Eome in 4th cent., 4, 7 ff. ; influence on 
Eoman coinage, 9, 13 

Casca Longus, 116 

Casca Longus (P. or C. Servilius), coin of, 117 

Cassei, 123 

Cassius, C., at Ehodes (43 B.C.), 121 f. 

Cassius Longinus, C., coin of, 69 

Cassius Longinus, L., moneyer about 52 B.C., 69 

Cassius Longinus, Q. (quaestor 54 B.C.), coin of, 69 

Cassius Longinus Eavilla, L., his judicial reforms, etc., 69 f. 

Caudine Forks, 87 

C. Aug., 62 

C. Caesar cos. ter., 107 

C. Caesar Illvir r. p. c., 118 

C. Caldus Imp. A. X., 76 



C. Cassei imp., 121 

C. Cassi, 67 

C. Cassius Celer iiivir a.a.a.f.f., 153 

C. Cassius C.f. Celer iiivir. a.a.a.f.f., 153 

C. Coel. Caldus Cos., 75 

C. Coponius Pr., 101 

C. Egnatulei. C. /., 72 

C.Fabi. C.f., 82 

Chariot. See Biga, Quadriga. 

C. Hypsaeus Cos., 98 

Cimbri, 73 f. 

Circensian games, 115 

Cista : for voting, see Voting-box ; mystica, 86 

Cistophori, 143 f. 

Citizen : appealing, 67 ; voting, 68 

Civib. et sign, miUt. a Part, recup., 139, 153 

Civibus servateis, 136 

Claudius Caecus, Ap., the Censor, 18 

Claudius Marcellus, C., cos. 49 B.C., 105 

C. L. Caesares Augustif. cos. desig. princ. invent., 169 

Clementia Cae saris, temple of, 113 f. 

Cleopatra : portrait of, 132 f. ; gifts of M. Antonius to, ibid. 

Cleopatrae reginae regumfiUorum regum, 132 

Clodius, P., M. f., moneyer, 119 

Clodius Pulcher, moneyer, 155 

Cloulius, T., coin of, 72 f. 

Olovius, C., praefect, 108 

Club and lion-skin with bow and arrow, 101 

Clupeus virtutis, 137 

Coelius Caldus, C., founder of the family, his career, 75 f. 

Coelius Caldus, C., Imp., Augur, xvir sacris faciundis, 78 

Coelius Caldus, C., moneyer, 76 

Coelius Caldus, L., epulo, 78 

Column of L. Minucius Augurinus, 62 ff. 

Com. Asiae, 143 

Conventus arensis, 159 

Coponius, C., coin of, 101 

Copper coinage of Augustus, 154 

Corcyra, Roman mint at, 36, 44 ff. 

Corinth refounded, 110 f. 

N2 179 


Corinthian coinage in the West, 14 

Corinthum, 110 

Cornelius Sulla, Faustus, coin of, 71. See also Sulla. 

Corn-laws, 79 f. 

Corn-supply of Home, 63, 79 f. 

Cornucopiae, 154 

Cos, victory of Cassius near, 123 

C. Paapi. C., 85 

Crab, badge of Cos, 122 

Crassus defeated by Parthians, 140 

Croton, Eoman mint at, 35 f . 

Cupid on coin of Sulla, 92 

DAGGERS and cap of Liberty, 116 f. 

Dalmatians, standards recovered from, 140 

Debts, remission of, 23 

Decidius Saxa, L., defeated by Parthians, 140 

Decimal division of the as, 21 f. 

Deductio in forum, 167 

De Germ., 161 

De Germanis, 162 

Delphi, dedication by Flamininus at, 66 

Denarius : introduction of, 28 ; equated to 16 assea, 47 ff. ; reduced, 


Desultor, 115 

Diana : confused with Luna, 58 ; bust of, 70 f. 
Dionysiac types on coins of Social War, 88 
Dioscuri, 9, 27, 28, 33, 38, 46, 65, 85 
Drusus. See Nero Drusus. 
Duoviri of Corinth, 111 f. 
Dupondius of Augustus, 153 f., 156 
Dyrrhachium : " victoriati " of, 36 ; coins issued at, 105 

EAGLE : holding thunderbolt, 10, 14 ; standing on thunderbolt, 37 f. ; 

as symbol of sovereignty, 136, 138 
Egnatuleius, C., coin of, 72 f. 
Egypt. See Alexandria, Ptolemaeus. 
Eid. Mar., 116 
Electrum coinage, 50 f. 
Elephant, 19, 26 



E. L. P., 89, 91 

Epulo, 76, 78 

"Erous SK' NtKrjy, 162 

Ewer, sacrificial, 92 f., 94 

Ex A. Pu., 82 f. 

Ex 8. C., 81, 98, 126 f. 

FABIUS, C., coin of, 82, 84 

Fabius Maxiinus, Q., dictator, 47 f. 

Faustulus the shepherd, 57, 61 

Faustus, 70 

Felix, 70 

Fig-tree, ruininal, 57, 61 

Fiscus, 116 

Flamen's apex, 65 

Flaminian Way, 151 

Flamininus. See Quinctius. 

Frugi, 89 

Fufius Calenus, governor in Gaul, 124 

Fulvia, wife of M. Antonius, portrait of, 125 

GAIUS CAESAR, coins relating to, 165 ff. ; his career, 166 f. 

Galley in harbour of Messana, 126. See also Prow. 

Gaul : legates of M. Antonius in, 123 f. ; worship of Home and 

Augustus in, 159 
Gaulish trophy, 101, 103 
Gemma Augustea, 172 
General with lictor and citizen, 67 
Germanicus, title given to Nero Drusus, 161 
Gold coins : first issued at Capuan mint, 25 ; attributed to 242 B.C., 

37 ff. ; issued in times of stress, 39, 42 ; issued by the Allies, 86 ; 

becomes part of ordinary Roman currency, 120; relation to 

silver, 156. See also Aurei. 

HANNIBALIAN crisis, 39 ff., 46 ff. 

Hatria, Roman mint at, 35 

Hercules, head of, 1, 7, 9 

Herdonea, mint of, 46 

Hirtius, A., 108 

His., 76 

Horse : 9, 89, 128 ; Parthian, 128, 130 ; head of, 1, 9 



Horseman (desultor), 113, 115 
HS, see IIS 
Hybreas the orator, 129 
Hypsaeus. See Plautius. 

IBIDS, MINIUS, coin of, 81 

Illvir a.a.a.f.f., 154 

Hlvir r.p.c., 124 

IIS, 27, 29 

Illyrico-Pannonian revolt, 172 

Imp. August, tr. pot., 162 

Imp. Caesar, 134 

Imp. Caesar, tr. pot. iix., 148 

Imp. Caes. Aug. Lud. Saec., 148 

Imperator, Octavian's use of title, 135 f . 

Imperial coinage, origins of, 102, 121 

Imper. iterum, 92 

Imperium, military, 68 

Imp. ix. tr. po. v., 143 

Imp. tertio Illvir r.p.c., 131 

Incense altar, 165, 167 

India, Koman coins from, 171 

Italia, 85 

Italia (Corfinium), 87 

Italia, head of, 85 ff. 

JANIFORM head of Persephone, 50 
Janus, head of, 1, 7, 18 f., 25 
Janus-Mercurius series, 24 
Jugurtha, surrender of, 70 f. 
Juno Moneta, 7 f. 

Jupiter : on coins of Lentulus and Marcellus, 107 ; in quadriga, 19, 
50; head of, 7, 44, 46 ; Feretrius, temple of, 141 f. 

Kcucrapos !Se/?a<rro{), 162 

Karnyx, 72, 78 

Keltic arms on trophies, etc., 73, 76 f. 

LABIENUS, Q., career and coinage of, 128 ff. 

Laeca, 66 

Largess, coins struck for, 109. See also Triumphs. 



Latin League reorganised (358 B.C.), 4 

Laurel-branches, bestowed on Augustus, 136 f. 

Laus luli. Corint., 110 

L. Caldus Vllvir epul., 76 

L. Certo Aeficio C. lulio Ilvir., 110. 

L. D,, 75 

Lectisternium, 76 f. 

Leges : Acilia (191 B.C.), 59 ; annalis, 103 ; Appuleia frumentaria de 

semissibus et trientibus, 79 ; Cassia tabellaria, 69 ; Clodia (104 

B.C.), 37, 72 ; Coelia tabellaria, 77 ; Flaminia minus solvendi, 47 ; 

lulia Papiria, 2 ; Ogulnia, 63 ; Papiria de asse semunciali, 89 f. ; 

Plautia Papiria, 90 ; Porciae, 68 ; Tarpeia, 2 
Leg. xvi., 125 
Lent. Mar. Cos., 105 
Lentulus Crus, L., cos. 49 B.C., 105 
Lepidus. See Aemilius. 
Libella, 22, 25 

Liberty : in quadriga, 66 ff. ; head of, 116, 121 ; cap of, 116 f. 
Lictor attending general, 67 
Lion : used by M. Antonius as a badge (?), 124 f. ; head of, on 

column of Augurinus, 64 
Lituus, 62, 70 f., 92 f., 94, 107, 126, 128, 169 
Livineius Eegulus, moneyer (c. 13 B.C.), 155 
Livineius Kegulus, L., moneyer (4338 B.C.), 119 
L. Lent. G. Marc. Cos., 104 
L. Mescinius, 148 
L. Mescinius Rufus Illvir, 148 
Local Koman coinage of Italy, 35 f., 40, 46, 68 
Longin. HIV., 68 
L. P. D. A. P., 89, 91 
L. Plaet. Cest., 116 
L. Regulus Illlvir a.p.f.> 118 
L. Sauf., 56 
L. Sesti. proq., 116 
L. Sulla, 92 

Luceria, Eoman mint at, 35 f., 46 
Lucilius Eufus, M., 82 
Lucius Caesar, coin representing, 168 f . 
Lucullus, coinage of, 92 f. 
Ludi Apollinares, 92 



Lud. S., 148 

Lugdunum : coins struck at, 124 f ., 158 f . ; altar of, 158 ff. 
Luguduni, 124 

Luna : in biga, 56 ff. ; worship of, 58 ; reason for appearance on coin- 
age, 59. 

L. Vinicius L. f. iiivir, 150 
Lyon. See Lugdunuin. 

MACEDONIAN shield, symbol of Macedonian victory, 65 

Magna Mater, head of, 82, 84 

Magnesia, battle of, 60 

Magnus, 94 

Mag. Pius. imp. Her., 126 

M. Antonius Iiivir r.p.c., 72 

Marcellus. See Claudius. 

Marius defeats the Barbarians, 72 f. 

Mars : holding standards, 139 ; within temple, ib. ; head of, 1, 37 f . ; 

Ultor, 139 ff., 151 f. 
Mar. Ult., 139 

Massalia, 3-scruple drachms of, 37 
Mercurius : Gaulish, Augustus identified with, 160 ; Roman, head of, 

7, 18 f., 27. 

Mescinius Rufus, coins of, 148 
Messana, pharos of, 126, 128 
Mi. leiis. Mi., 86 
Military coinage, 101 f. 
Minerva, head of, 7, 89 
Minucius Augurinus, C., 62 ff. 
Minucius Augurinus, L., 62 ff. 
Minucius Augurinus, P., 63 
Minucius Augurinus, Ti., 65 
Minucius Faesus, M., 62 f. 
Mithradates and the Ailing, 86 ff. 
M. Lepidus An. XV. Pr. H. 0. C. S., 52 
M. Lepidus Iiivir r.p.c., 118 
M. Lepidus Tutor Regis Pontif. Max., 51 f. 
M. Lucili. Ruf., 82 

Moneta, supposed origin of the name, 8 
Moneyers : gradual appearance of their marks, etc., on coinage, 61 f. ; 

under Augustus, 120, 157. See also Tresviri, Quattuorviri. 



Monumentum Ancyranum (will of Augustus), 136 f., 140, 146, 149, 

151, 166 f., 169 
Moon-goddess. See Luna. 
M. Pore., 66 
M. Scaur, aed. cur., 98 
M. Servilius leg., 122 
Mulvian bridge, arch on, 152 
Mussidius Longus, L., moneyer, 119 
Mutil. embratur, 85 
Mutilus. See Papius. 

Neapolis, silver coinage of, 35 
Neptune : Octavian represented as, 135 ; statue of, on pharos of 

Messana, 128 

Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus imp., 160 
Nero Drusus, death of, 160 

OAK-WREATH : bestowed on Augustus, 136 f., 153 ; worn by Venus (?), 


Oath-taking scene, 19, 25, 85, 87 f. 
Ob civis servatos, 153 
Octavian: portraits of , 118 ; as triumvir (43 38 B.C.), 118; growth of 

his power reflected in coinage, 120; his triumph in 29 B.C., 134 f. ; 

receives title "Augustus," 135 ff. ; represented as Neptune, 135 ; 

use of title " imperator," 135 f. See Augustus. 
Oppius Statianus defeated by Parthians, 140 
Orontes, river, 162 
Osco-Latin standard, 5 
Ox as coin-type, 3 

PACOEUS of Parthia invades Syria, 129 

Paestum, late bronze coinage of, 91 

Pannonian triumph of Tiberius, 171 f . 

Papirius Carbo, C., his lex de asse semunc., 89 f. 

Papius, C., Mutilus, coins of, 85 ff. 

Parthians : joined by Labienus, 129 f . ; restore the standards, 139 ff. 

Parthicus, title taken by Q. Labienus, 128 f. 

Pater patriae, title of Augustus, 169 

Pecunia, origin of name, 2 

Pegasus, 11, 14. See also Bellerophon. 



Pergamum : coins struck at, 142, 145, 147 ; temple of Kome and 

Augustus at, 145 
Persephone, janiform head of, 50 

Personal names and types on coins of Kepublic, 60 ; of Augustus, 157 
Phraates IV. of Parthia : M. Antonius attacks, 132 ; restores standards, 

139 f. 

Phrygian helmet worn by Boma, 13 
P. Hypsaeus aed. cur., 98 
Picus Martis, 61 
Pietas, head of, 102, 109 
Piso, 89 

Piso Caepio Q., 45 
P. Laeca, 66 

Plaetorius (L.) Cestianus, moneyer, 117 
Plated coins, 171 

Plautius, Hypsaeus (or Decianus), C., 100 
Plautius Hypsaeus, P., curule aedile, coin of, 99 
Pliny : on earliest Koman coinage, 2 f . ; on introduction of the 

denarius, 28 f. ; on reduction of the as, 31 f., 47 ; on earliest gold 

coinage, 88 ff. ; on equation of denarius to 16 asses, 47 ; on 

victoriatus, 72 f. 

Pompaedius Silo, Q., com of, 85 ff. 
Pompeius, On., Cn. f., 97, 126 
Pom(peius ?) Fostlus, Sex., denarius of, 57 ff. 
Pompeius Magnus, Cn. : his African campaign, 94 f. ; sends Scaurus 

against Aretas III., 99 ; sends Lentulus and Marcellus to Epirus, 

105 ; portrait of, 126 

Pompeius, Sextus, Cn. f., his career, 126 f. 
Pompeius, Sextus (first cousin once removed of the Illvir), 98 
Portraits of living persons on coins, 114, 120 
Poseidon of Corinth, 110 
Pound : of 273 grammes, 6 ; of 327'45 grammes, 6, 24 f. ; of 341 

grammes, 24 

Pr. = Praetor or Praefectus, 108 
Praef. das. et orae marit. ex 8. C., 126 
Praefecti of the City appointed by Caesar, 46 B.C., 108 
Praetors appointed by Caesar, 46 B.C., 108 
Preiver. Captu., 98 

Priestly office, symbols of, 93, 107, 116, 170 
Princeps iuventutis, meaning of title, 170 



Prisoner tied to trophy, 101 

Privernum captured, 100 

Pro cos., 94 

Provincial cult of Kome and Augustus, 144 f. 

Provocatio, 68 

Provoco, 67 

Prow of galley : 1, 6, 13, 18, 27, 89 ; as mint-mark on coin of M. 

Antonius and Cleopatra, 134 ; Victory on, 134 f . 
P. Sepullius Macer, 113 
P. Tadi Chilo C. luli. Nicep. Ilvir., 110 
Ptolemaeus IV. and the Romans, 53 
Ptolemaeus V. and M. Aemilius Lepidus, 51 ff. 
Pu., 82 f. 

Pulcher, Clodius, moneyer, 155 
Pulcher Taurus Regulus t 154 
Punic War, First, 37 ff. 
Purgamenta, 149 
Pydna, battle of, 60 
Pyrrhus, war with, 20, 26 

Q = quaestor, 105, 116, 118 

Q = quinarius, 49, 72, 74 

Q. Caepio Brutus procos., 116 

Q. Cassius, 67 

Q. Labienus Parthicus imp., 128 

Q. Sicinius Illvir, 101 

Q. Silo, 85 

Quadrans, 7, 154 

Quadriga : of Jupiter, 50, 98, 100 ; of Liberty, 66 ff. ; triumphal, 

94 f., 134, 171 
Quadrigatus, 19, 25, 35 
Quattuorviri auro publico feriundo, 119 
Quinarius, 29, 72 f., 123 ff. 
Quinctius Flamininus, T., moneyer, 65 
Quinctius Flamininus, T., victor of Cynoscephalae, 65 f. 
Quindecimviri sacris faciundis, 148 
Quod viae mun. sunt, 150 

REDUCTION : of the as, 22, 46 f. ; of the denarius, 48 
Regulus. See Livineius. 



Rex Aretas, 98 

Rhodes plundered by Cassius, 122 

Roads, public, 150 f. See also Appian Way. 

Roma, 12, 18, 19, 27, 28, 37, 38, 44, 46, 56, 57 ; disappears from the 

coins, 56 
Roma, the goddess: head of, 10, 18, 27, 33, 38, 46, 56 f., 62, 65 ff., 

82; temple of, 143 f., 145, 147; worship of, 143 ff., 158 ff. 
Romano, 1, 9, 10, 12, 17 
Romanom, 11, 12 
Rom. et Aug., 158 
Rom. et August., 143 
Romulus and Remus. See Wolf and Twins. 

8., 7, 27 

Sacrificial instruments, 92 f., 107, 116, 170 

Samnites : in 4th cent., 4 ; in 3rd cent., 19 

Sanquinius, M., coins of, 149 

Saturn, head of, 79 

Saturninus (L. Appuleius), corn-law of, 79 f. 

Saturninus, legate in Syria, 164 

Saufeius, L., denarius of, 56 ff. 

S.C., 83, 101 f., 121, 136, 153 ff., 162 

Scaurus. See Aemilius. 

Scruple, 17 

Scylla, 126, 128 

Secession of the plebs (288286 B.C.), 23 

Secular games, 148 f. 

Semi-libral as, 22 

Semis, 7 

Sempronius Gracchus, Ti., moneyer, 37 B.C., 120 

Semuncial standard, 89 f. 

Senate, its control of coinage, 121, 155, 162 f. 

Senatorial Party exiled from Rome, 104 f. 

Sepullius (P.) Macer, coins of, 113 

Series marks on coins, 75 

Serrati, 60, 84 

Servilius Caepio, Q., coin of, 79 

Servilius, M., legate of Cassius, 123 

Servius, King, 2. 

Sestertius, 29 ; of Augustus, 153 f., 156 



Sestius, L., coin of, 117 

Sex. Pom. Fostlus, 57 

Sextans, 7 

Sextantal standard, 30 f., 43 

Shield of valour bestowed on Augustus, 136 f . 

Sicily: coins of Lentulus and Marcellus connected with, 106 ; Sex. 
Pompeius in, 126 ff. 

Sicinius, Q., coin of, 101 

Sickle of Saturn, 79, 81 

Signis Parthicis receptis, 138 

Signis receptis, 139 

Silo. See Pompaedius. 

Silver : restriction of local coinage in, 135 ; relation to brass and 
copper, 156 ; relation to bronze, 5, 12, 17, 21 f., 29 ff., 48 

Sitella. See Voting urn. 

Social War, 8289 

Sol, head of, 76 f . 

Soldiers : clasping hands, 86 ; pay of, 48 f. ; taking oath. See Oath- 

Sorticula. See Voting tablet. 

Sow, 19 

Spain, Pompeius in, 96 

Spanish boar-standard, 77 

S.P.Q.R. Cl. F., 136 

S.P.Q.R. Imp. Cae. quod v. m. s. ex ea p. q. is ad a. de., 150 

8. P. Q. R. Imp. Caesari, 150 

S. P. Q. R. Imp. Caesari Aug. cos. xii. tr. pot. vi., 139 

Standards, military : recovered by Augustus, 138 ff. ; boar-shaped, 76 f . 

Statilius Taurus, money er, 155 

Stipendium of Roman soldier, 48 f . 

Struck bronze, introduction of, 23 

Subsellium, 116 

Suesano, 10 

Suffimenta, 149 

Sulla : receives Jugurtha from Bocchus, 70 f. ; disembarks at Brun- 
dusium, 87 ; in Greece, 92 f. ; acknowledges Pompeius as Mag- 
nus, 95 ; his triumphal coins, 97. See also Cornelius. 

Swine and elephants, 26 

Symbols on coinage, a mark of lateness, 40, 43 

Syria, coins issued in, 130 



TARENTDM : relations with Rome in the 3rd. cent., 20 ; late silver 

coinage 85, 37 
Taurus, moneyer, 155 
T. Clouli., 72 

Temple : of Mars Ultor, 139 if. ; of Eome and Augustus, 143 
Teutons, 73 f. 
Thymiaterium, 167 
Thyrsos, as ornament of galley, 128 
Tiberius : occupies Armenia, 146 f . ; brings body of Nero Drusus to 

Eome, 161 ; his Pannonian triumph, 171 f. 
Ti. Caesar Aug. f. tr. pot. xv., 171 
Tigranes, son of Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 146 
Token money, 9, 22, 90 
T. Q., 65 

Trasimene, crisis after, 39, 46 ff. 
Tresviri A. A. A. F. F., 82 
Tresviri monetales, 62 
Triens, 7 

Triental standard, 30 
Triskeles symbol of Sicily, 106 
Triumphal arches : of Augustus, 189 f., 150 ff. ; of Nero Drusus, 161 ; 

of Tiberius, 172 

Triumphs, coins relating to, 95 ff., 134, 171 
Triumvirate : of 43 38 B.C., 118 f. ; monetary. See Tresviri. 
Trophies, 72, 76, 92 f., 101, 103, 116. See also Victory. 
Tyche of Antioch, 162 f. 


Uncial standard, 46 

Urban coinage, 102 

F., 27, 29 

Varus, legate in Syria, 164 

Veiled head : of Caesar, 115 ; of Liberty, 116 ; of Pietas, 107, 109 

Ventidius Bassus, P. : governor in Gaul, 124 ; crushes Labienus, 130 

131 ; his service under Antonius, 131 
Venus: head of, 92, 102 f. ; Victrix, 118, 115 
Vercingetorix, 103 
Vest., 67 
Vesta : head of, 67 ; temple of, 67 ff. 



Vestal virgins, 69, 121 

Veturius, Ti., coin of, 88 

Vibius Varus, C., moneyer, 119 

Vibo Valentia, Eoman mint at, 36, 46 

Vicarello, deposit of, 16, 24 

Victoriatus : origin of, 35 f., 44 ff. ; struck at Corcyra, 44 ff. ; revived 
by lex Clodia, 72 f. 

Victory: crowning Liberty, 66 ; crowning trophy, 28, 44,46, 72 ; driv- 
ing chariot, 50, 56, 82 ; fastening taenia to palm branch, 10 ; fly- 
ing, before shield of Valour, 136 ff. ; Fulvia as, 125 ; standing on 
prow, 134 f. ; statue of, in Senate House, 137 ; writing on shield, 

Virga viatoris, 116 

Voconius Vitulus, Q., moneyer, 120 

Voting : box, 70 ; tablets, 67 ff., 75, 77 ; urn, 67 ff. 

WHEEL, 10, 12 f. 

Wolf : gored by bull, 85, 87 ; suckling twins, 9, 57 

X as mark of value, 49 
X as mark of value, 49 
XVI as mark of value, 49 
XV. S. F., 148 

ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS, statue of, 107 

I || (= 52), 100, 103 
4, X (= 60), 37 




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B33 Historical Roman coins